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    Re: 3 Acres at Franklin

    $14.00 to $1.00 match on this one fellas. Make a year end donation and use as a writeoff on your taxes..................

    dusty27 Yesterday, 12:55 PM Go to last post
    Cotton Trash

    Re: 3 Acres at Franklin

    Herb, I plan on donating funds at the living history too, This is exciting news for Preservation, History, The City of Franklin, Living Historians and

    Cotton Trash 11-25-2014, 06:44 PM Go to last post

    Published on 09-28-2014 11:46 AM  Number of Views: 95 

    By Craig L Barry

    1st generation Birmingham made Parker Hale before de-farbing, serial number 5556, probably manufactured about 1980 or 1981, note type IV “British service” oval rear sling swivel and P-H stamped under the crown behind the hammer, case colored lock, etc. (collection of author)

    While the history of the US Civil War is an area of great interest to hobby participants there is also a historical piece to the (re)enactment hobby itself which dates back at least fifty years. In the early 1970s, the Birmingham gun-maker Parker-Hale began selling reproduction Enfield rifles to both (re)enactors and live fire enthusiasts, or “skirmishers.” The company ceased production (in England) of muzzleloaders in 1990. These are considered among the highest quality reproductions of Civil War-era rifles and rifle- muskets ever produced. The first reproduction Parker Hale Enfields became available for sale beginning in 1972, starting with the 1861 Artillery carbine. This was followed by their Enfield long rifle (P53) in 1974, Naval rifle (P58) in 1975 and later a .451 “Whitworth” target rifle. The P53 was by far the most popular Parker Hale product, and the one most widely used by (re)enactors. The Birmingham Parker-Hales are now gone but not forgotten. A bit of background discussion about the history of the Parker-Hale enterprise is in order.

    First of all, Parker-Hale was an English gun-maker founded in the Gun Quarter of Birmingham England, but not until well after the US Civil War ended. Although the name sounds reminiscent of many Civil War-era gun-makers in the Birmingham Small Arms Trade, obviously, the company never produced Enfield rifles on commercial contract for either side in the US Civil War. [1] Alfred Gray Parker and Arthur Hale founded the business to provide shooting supplies to the British Volunteer companies and the marksmanship (target shooting) clubs in England around 1880.

    Over the years the firm primarily produced small caliber bolt-action target rifles. Parker Hale’s Production Manager John Le Breton decided in the early 1970s that he wanted to make an exact reproduction of the Enfield black powder muzzle loading rifle, and that he wanted the gun to reflect the exact specifications of the original Enfield rifles. He assigned an engineer named Tony Kinchin to the project.

    An expert on the history of US Civil War arms noted, “In an attempt to meet Le Breton's request, Tony Kinchin traveled to the (Royal Armoury) museum at Enfield to record the dimensions of original rifle-muskets and the tooling used to manufacture them. To his delight, the museum director allowed him to take a set of original Enfield master gauges back to Parker Hale.” [2] What this means is that Parker-Hale copied (almost exactly) from original gauges the specifications for the machine made P53 British service rifle. This is the so called type IV Enfield that was manufactured at Royal Small Arms Factory by the British War Department to supply their own troops. This particular version of the Enfield rifle was an improved design over earlier models still being commercially manufactured using individual craftsmen as they had for centuries in Birmingham and London. The two types were close in overall design, but not exactly the same in detail.

    Some of the variation between British service rifle (which Parker Hale copied) and the earlier type III widely used during the US Civil War included different stock contours, lock plate screw washers and lock engraving, a rounded screw head design, along with different sling swivels and barrel bands. There has always been considerable confusion in particular about the front or “top” sling swivel on the Parker Hale, which is offset and does not resemble any type of Civil War-era Enfield sling swivel ever made. The company decided to make “a minor concession to historical accuracy” and used readily available surplus sling swivels from the World War II-era Lee-Enfield SMLE, which were less expensive than making their own in the correct center stud configuration front swivel. This decision by Parker Hale would impact the Italian made Enfield reproductions down the road. Ironically, when the Italian reproduction gun makers decided to add an Enfield model to their Civil War product line, rather than copy an original P53 they merely copied the successful Parker Hale…mistakes and all. This included the inaccurate, oddly offset front sling swivel.

    Parker Hale purchased inauthentic offset front sling swivels for their reproduction Enfield

    While there were differences between the Parker Hale and the original US Civil War P53 Enfield, there were also a number of details which were identical, for example the barrel which featured a 1:78 twist and progressive depth rifling. The rifling in the period correct .577 caliber bore tapers from .015 at the breech to .005 at the muzzle. All original Enfield long and short rifles manufactured after 1858 featured progressive depth rifling. In addition, Parker Hale used modern manufacturing methods to recreate this old-style rifling. Progressive rifling in Parker Hale barrels was cold hammer forged around a sliding mandrel to insure the proper depth. [3] Taking it a step further, Parker Hale lock plates were case hardened through the bone charcoal method, which results in the unique swirling color pattern. All other modern reproduction locks are not actually case hardened but have a chemically induced surface color. The Parker Hale percussion cone uses the same pattern 5/16 x 18 bolster threads as the original Civil War-era Enfield rifles.

    Therefore, while the Parker Hale reproduction was very well made, especially compared to the various reproductions which followed, and got a number of things right, it was not quite the same as the earlier commercial version most widely used during the US Civil War. However despite all that, it was an immediate sales success among both (re)enactors and skirmishers.

    Barrel marking from Birmingham made 1st generation Parker Hale Enfield (collection of author)

    The net result was the Birmingham Parker Hale was the best reproduction Enfield available for most of its almost twenty year production run. When Parker Hale stopped making muzzle loaders, they sold the naming rights to Euroarms Italia, SrL. For a period of time, Euroarms produced and sold what was essentially their own reproduction Enfield with a Parker Hale barrel for about twice the price. These “2nd generation” Enfields were not of the same high quality as the Birmingham made Parker Hales, though they shared all of the same faults. [4] Euroarms went out of business in 2011 and there are currently no newly manufactured Parker Hales of any type currently available.

    Part of the Parker Hale legacy is that in the void created by their absence, demand for a quality reproduction of the P53 Enfield has remained strong. After Euroarms went out of business, there has been a marked improvement in the form of newly available “de-farbed” Enfield offerings from both Italian gun makers Armi Chiappa (Armi Sport) and in particular D. Pedersoli. [5] Existing 1st generation ‘made in Birmingham’ Parker Hales in good condition still come up from time to time. If you happen to find one of those, they are well worth the cost. [6]


    [1] Some examples of well-known firms from the Birmingham Small Arms Trade in the 1860s include Cooper & Goodman, Bentley & Playfair, etc.
    [2] Joe Bilby, Colt Six Guns and Parker Hale, February 1996.
    [3] Ibid, Bilby
    [4] The Italian made Parker Hale Enfields are easily distinguished by their lock plate markings which read Parker Hale in front of the hammer with no date. The Birmingham made version reads “1853” over “ENFIELD.” Neither one is period correct but besides an early four digit serial number, the lock plate is a quick way to identify a 1st generation Birmingham made Parker Hale.
    [5] Armi Sport offers both a defarbed and (believe it or not) what they call a “farbed” version. Their defarbed version has a few of the worst historical accuracy mistakes corrected. D Pedersoli makes a very good quality reproduction Birmingham Tower 1861 P53 Enfield which is historically accurate pretty much right out of the box. It still requires refinishing w/ linseed oil, etc.
    [6] My Parker Hale Enfield was over thirty years old when purchased, and virtually in unfired condition. It has since been “defarbed” as a LA Co P53, which it closely resembles being that like the Parker Hale, the Civil War-era LA Co was a parts interchangeable copy of the RSAF Enfield. An original LA Co 1862 lock assembly dropped right into the lock mortise and works perfectly.
    Published on 02-05-2014 08:17 PM  Number of Views: 7149 

    By Andrew J. Ackeret

    Northern soldiers on the James River. "Home on Furlough Aboard the Army Transport." From Lanier, Robert S., The Photographic History of the Civil War in Ten Volumes. Volume 8. New York: The Review of Reviews Co., 1911.

    In the earliest months of the Civil War, many people held an optimistic view of how short, or rather, how long, the war would last. The result of this view was that early soldiers enlisted for only three months service, believing the war would be over after one large battle. “The sentiment then was quite universal that three months would close the war. Hence, whoever failed to become a part... would see no service and receive no military glory,” one volunteer of 1861 would later recall. [i] As the year progressed, and the realities of the war set in, newer enlistments were for longer periods of time, up to three years, but no less than six months. [ii]

    By 1863, Federal authorities knew that the terms of those “three years' men” who enlisted in 1861 would be ending in the summer and fall of 1864. A report of the Provost-Marshall-General found that 455 out of 956 volunteer regiments would have their term of service expire by December 31, 1864. The same report stated, “The loss by expiration of enlistment of entire regiments and companies, after they had seen service enough to become valuable soldiers, proved a serious drawback to military operations during the first two years of the war. Soon after the organization of this Bureau its attention was directed to the discovery and of a remedy for this evil.” [iii]

    Not wanting to lose the experienced core of the army, efforts were taken to entice the troops to re-enlist. Only soldiers with less than a year remaining on their original enlistment would be offered the proposed re-enlistment of three years service, and the bonuses that came with it. [iv] One of the bonuses offered by the government was financial. A cash bounty of $402.00 was offered to re-enlisting soldiers, to be paid in several installments from the Federal government. [v] This money was also supplemented in some cases by the individual states. In at least one case, an enlisted man from Wisconsin pursued state bounties after having received his Federal bounty. [vi] The states had an incentive to encourage re-enlistment, because “Volunteers enlisted under this order will be credited as three-years' men in the quotas of their respective States. [vii] A veteran soldier re-enlisting was one more soldier that did not have to be drafted, and more than one state had experienced a draft riot in 1863.

    A second bonus offered by the government was a 30 day furlough, a trip home from the army and the war. The details of the promised furlough were laid out in General Orders, No. 376, dated November 21, 1863. The 30 days of the furlough was specified to begin after the troops arrived in their home state, and the Quartermaster's Department would provide transportation to that state. When 75% of a regiment or company re-enlisted, they would be allowed to travel home as a group, “to go home with their officers to their respective States and districts to reorganize and recruit.” [viii]

    The next step was for the authorities to communicate these offers to the combat experienced troops. One Pennsylvania soldier stationed in Tennessee noted on December 18, 1863, that his regiment was read the order authorizing re-enlistments, while they were “in line without shelter or proper clothing and weather turning cold. Tents and knapsacks still at Knoxville. No rations only as we forage and buy from loyal citizens.” [ix]

    In the 11th Iowa Infantry, one diarist was out on picket duty when a similar order was read to his regiment; he did not find out the news until he returned to camp. Several days later, he noted that many of his comrades wanted to see “the war brought to a close before they quit the job, while others say that they have seen enough of war, declaring they have done their duty.” [x]

    In a diary entry dated December 20, 1863, William Ray of the 7th Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry noted the efforts taken by superior officers to encourage re-enlistment. The Colonel in command of the brigade gave a speech making the case to re-enlist. This was followed by similar pleas from the commanding officers of the regiments of the brigade. But it was the appeal of an enlisted man that impressed Ray the most. “[A] Private in the 6th Regt come out and made a good humorous as well as comical speech, caused considerable laughter. And gives us some good sound advice and appealed to our Patriotism. Said twas our duty to sustain the Government & that he was going to re-enlist &c. And upon the whole I believe he made as many Veterans as the rest. ” [xi]

    If 75% of the soldiers in a regiment re-enlisted, that regiment would get to keep its identity and unit structure, and could proudly call themselves a “veteran volunteer” regiment. One officer in the 3rd Wisconsin Infantry implored the men under his command to “secure the bounty, the thirty days furlough, and the honorable record of veteran soldiers, [making it] possible to preserve our organization from the beginning to the end of the war.” [xii] In the 11th Iowa, where there had been debate in December as to whether or not one should re-enlist, enough re-enlistments were secured by January 5, 1864 to become a veteran regiment. [xiii]

    Some furlough travel began as early as December 1863. There were efforts to ensure the veteran soldiers would be back with the army for campaigns planned for spring of 1864. The timing of those furloughs weighed upon the generals tasked with fighting the war. In the Army of the Potomac, orders were given to the 2nd Corps on January 5, 1864 to limit the number of men on furlough at one time to 1,200, only allowing more to leave when those already gone had returned or if the tactical situation changed. [xiv]

    Shortly after this order was given, Major General George G. Meade stated that it was essential that the veteran troops quickly return at the end of the furlough, or else other veterans could be denied their furlough “by the absolute necessities of the service.” [xv] Major General John Sedgwick echoed this fear on January 29, worrying that not all furloughs could be granted “before the season for active operations commences. [xvi] This concern would continue well into the spring.

    The 3rd Wisconsin Infantry had successfully reached its quota before the end of December 1863, with 240 men agreeing to re-enlist, out of 300 men in the ranks. One officer would later remember, “On Christmas this surviving remnant of the thousand men of the Third, who had so gayly left the state two-and-a-half years before, started on their return. It was a beautiful day, and for us one of perfect happiness. We were the first regiment from Wisconsin... to reënlist.” [xvii]

    When the veteran troops were sent on their furlough, the transportation to their home state was provided by the Quartermaster's Department. The furlough itself did not begin until the troops were in their home state. The veterans of the 3rd Michigan Infantry began their trip home by train in January 1864. Severe winter weather threatened to delay their arrival home, until the soldiers took action:

    “The track is blocked with snow in a cut a short distance beyond. Our conductor wants to lay over too, but we can't see it on a thirty days' furlough. Now we have built fortifications and breastworks, are as used to the shovel, and can handle it as well as the gun. So we tell the conductor to provide us with some of the former weapons and we will shovel him and his train through. Provided with the necessary implements, the locomotive snorts and blows her whistle, and off we go for the snow bank . . . We jump out and attack the snow bank, and after working hard we soon had the track so clear that the train passed over in safety . . . we come thundering down to the depot of the Valley City.” [xviii]

    The 3rd Wisconsin Infantry arrived home with less difficulty. Julian Hinkley wrote years later: “At Madison, the arms were stored, and the men scattered to their homes to enjoy their thirty-days' furlough. I was just in time to take part in a New Year's dance, and go home in the morning on the coldest day ever known in Wisconsin.” [xix]

    The 46th Illinois Infantry, stationed in Mississippi, had 334 veteran re-enlistments. Their 30 day furlough began at Freeport, Illinois, on January 27, 1864, where a “sumptuous repast awaited” the regiment at Plymouth Hall. [xx]

    One detachment of the 3rd Ohio Volunteer Cavalry arrived in Ohio on February 9, 1864, and were met by multiple officers, a brass band, and speeches from a colonel, a captain, a chaplain and a reverend. [xxi]

    D.G. Grotty, of the 3rd Michigan said of the homecoming of the veterans, “All keep step as best we can. Rat, tat, tat, tat, tat, tat, the people all flock from their comfortable firesides to the doors to see who are passing on that cold and stormy night. . . . all flock into the middle of the street, charge on our ranks, and everything is utter confusion, for the hands of warm and loving friends seize us and welcome us home.” [xxii]

    In the Army of the Cumberland, the veterans of the 42nd Indiana Infantry were re-enlisted on January 1, 1864. Returning to Indianapolis on January 28, 1864, the veterans were given a reception and were honored with speech by Governor Morton of the state. As the furlough continued, the veterans began to recruit for the regiment. The warmest memories, though, were related to family. “But, oh, the joy of wives, of the fathers and mothers, on the arrival of these veterans back from the war: at home once more, even though for a short time 'grim-visaged war had smoothed his wrinkled front.'” [xxiii]

    While many would write of public ceremonies and time with friends and family, for some, there was serious business to be done. William Ray, of the 7th Wisconsin, took the opportunity of being home—with bounty cash in hand—to shop for a house. While he couldn't make a deal before he had to return to the army, his brother was able to close the deal after Ray had departed. [xxiv]

    Although the furloughs were remembered fondly by most, not every furlough passed without incident. In one sad example, John Hart Robinson, of the 45th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, died at home, of small pox. [xxv] In another case, Samuel Lauderdale, a civilian passenger on a steamboat wrote about an incident involving the 46th Illinois Infantry.

    “There was some excitement by one[of] the soldiers feigning to be crazy or having the delirium tremens and would not allow any one to come in his room—he had been given a room on account of his sickness—and cut his Captain very badly. Finally one of his Co having more courage than the rest took a gun &knocked the door in. When the door fell the fellow rushed & tried his best to kill the one that was trying to capture him & succeeded in stabbing him severely, though not dangerously. He was knocked down & ironed.” [xxvi]

    In the ranks of the 7th Wisconsin Infantry, a broken railroad track in Indiana caused a train accident that “drew Blood on several,” but left no major injuries. Several cars came off the tracks, but travel was able to resume later that day. [xxvii]

    In spring of 1864, the armies of the North began new campaigns in Virginia, Georgia, and Louisiana. The troops who had been home only months or weeks before were back into the routine of military life, and many would soon be in the thick of action. For the 3rd Ohio Cavalry, when the regiment was reunited in April, “drilling, dress parades, inspections, are the order of the day, and as soon as we get our horses, we will be off for the front again.” [xxviii] In order to have a better idea of what condition the furlough regiments were in, the army ordered those regiments still in their home states to report back with information on the strength of the regiment, including both the veterans and new recruits obtained during the furlough. [xxix]

    Other regiments had furloughs delayed due to command decisions, just as Generals Meade and Sedgwick had warned of in January. Major General James B. McPherson wrote to Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant on March 12, 1864, stating that operations his command was ordered to take part in had delayed the furloughs of many of his men, and as things looked, it would be months before those furloughs could be granted. [xxx]

    The troops who did not re-enlist were not spared from participating in the new campaigns. It was later in the year,that units and individuals who had not re-enlisted were allowed to go home permanently, only when the term of their enlistments ended. The individuals who had re-enlisted would at that time be transferred to other regiments from their home state.

    D.G. Grotty of the 3rd Michigan Volunteer Infantry reminisced that his regiment returned three companies of veterans, who were transferred to the 5th Michigan Infantry in June, 1864. The non-veterans of the 3rdMichigan were not spared duty during the Overland Campaign. The 5th Michigan, on the other hand, re-enlisted “nearly to a man . . . retaining their organization and name.” [xxxi]

    Within the 1st Division, 14th Corps, Army of the Cumberland, the1st Wisconsin Infantry and 10th Wisconsin Infantry returned too few veterans to maintain their own organizations. In September and October of 1864, the soldiers of those two regiments who had re-enlisted were transferred to another Wisconsin regiment in the same division, the 21st Infantry. The non veterans were sent home. [xxxii]

    The bounties and furloughs had the desired effect upon the Union armies. The Provost Marshal General reported that 136,000 “tried soldiers, who would otherwise ere this have been discharged, were secured for three years longer . . . The force thus reorganized . . . an essential part in the greatc ampaigns of 1864, and its importance to the country cannot be overestimated.” [xxxiii] As early as January 2, 1864, in the Army of the Potomac, General Meade reported to Major General Henry W. Halleck that there were 16,189 veteran re-enlistments. [xxxiv]

    By July of 1864, General Orders, No. 235 codified changes to the offers made for re-enlistment. The bounty was lowered to $100.00 for each year of a re-enlistment, with a maximum of $300.00 for a three year re-enlistment. At the same time, the offer of furloughs for veterans was also discontinued. [xxxv] The government continued to appeal to experienced soldiers to get them to re-enlist, but the offers were not as lucrative as they had been in December, 1863.

    The veteran furloughs were unquestionably a meaningful moment for many of those who fought for the Union in 1864. Individual stories appear in diaries, memoirs, and regimental histories. Many pages of government reports record the actions taken, along with the questions raised by implementation of those actions, as well as the ramifications of those actions.

    For many troops who had experienced the hardships of military life from 1861 to late 1863, the chance to visit home sooner rather than later, combined with cash payments, was too much to turn down. Also, as noted by more than one veteran, there was a degree of pride in what they believed their cause to be, and many wanted to see that cause to its finish. The spring campaigns would come soon enough, and veterans and non-veterans alike would see combat.

    Some would enter that combat knowing that if they survived, muster out was only a few short months away. Others would enter that combat, knowing they could be in the army for three more years; early release granted only if the war ended, though a medical discharge, or death. But the veteran troops also entered combat with fresh memories of eventful travel cross country travel, speeches, brass bands and public dinners, but mostly of their home and loved ones.


    [i] Michael H. Fitch, Echoes of the Civil War As I Hear Them (New York: RF Fenno & Co., 1905), 17-18.
    [ii] War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, series III, vol.1, (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1899), 380-381.[Hereafter referred to as Official Records]
    [iii] Official Records, series III, vol. 5 (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1900), 650.
    [iv] Ibid., 650.
    [v] Official Records, series III, vol. 3 (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1899), 414-415.
    [vi] William Ray, Four Years with the Iron Brigade: The Civil War Journal of William Ray, Company F, Seventh Wisconsin Volunteers. Edited by Lance J. Herdegen and Sharon Murphy (Da Capo Press, 2002),254-256.
    [vii] Official Records, series III, vol. 3, 415.
    [viii] Ibid., 1084.
    [ix] Allen D. Albert, History of the Forty-Fifth Regiment Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteer Infantry 1861-1865, (Williamsport, PA: Grit Publishing Company, 1912) 108.
    [x] Alexander G. Downing, Downing's Civil War Diary, edited by Olynthus B. Clark, (Des Moines, IA: The Historical Department of Iowa, 1916), 156.
    [xi] Ray, 243-244.
    [xii] Julian Wisner Hinkley, A Narrative of Service With the Third Wisconsin Infantry,(Wisconsin Historical Commission, 1912), 103.
    [xiii] Downing,161.
    [xiv] Official Records, series I, vol. 33 (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1891), 348.
    [xv] Ibid., 357.
    [xvi] Ibid., 439.
    [xvii] Hinkley, 104.
    [xviii] D.G. Grotty, Four Years Campaigning in the Army of the Potomac, (Grand Rapids, MI: Dygert Bros. & Co., 1874), 119.
    [xix] Hinkley,104.
    [xx] Thomas B. Jones, Complete History of the 46th Illinois Volunteer Infantry,(Freeport, IL: W.H. Wagner & Sons, 1900), 200-201.
    [xxi] Thomas Crofts, History of the Service of the Third Ohio Veteran Volunteer Cavalry,(Toledo, OH: The Stoneman Press, 1910), 128.
    [xxii] Grotty,119-120.
    [xxiii] S.F. Horrall, History of the Forty-Second Indiana Volunteer Infantry, (1892), 206-207.
    [xxiv] Ray, 254-255, 262.
    [xxv] Albert, 462.
    [xxvi] Peter Josyph, editor, The Wounded River: The Civil War Letters of John Vance Lauderdale MD, (East Lansing, MI: 1993), 197-198.
    [xxvii] Ray, 257-258.
    [xxviii] Crofts, 145.
    [xxix] Official Records, series III, vol.4 (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1900), 58.
    [xxx] Official Records, Series I, vol. 32, part 3 (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1891), 60.
    [xxxi] Grotty,119-118, 140.
    [xxxii] Annual Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Wisconsin for the Year Ending December 31, 1864, (Madison, WI: Atwood & Rublee, 1865) 6, 41, 64.
    [xxxiii] Official Records, series III, vol. 4, 930.
    [xxxiv] Official Records, series I, vol. 33, 347.
    [xxxv] Official Records, series III, vol. 4, 547-548.


    Albert, Allen D., History of the Forty-Fifth Regiment Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteer Infantry 1861-1865, Williamsport, PA: Grit Publishing Company, 1912.

    Annual Report of the Adjutant General of the State of Wisconsin for the Year Ending December 31, 1864, Madison, WI: Atwood & Rublee, 1865.
    Crofts, Thomas, History of the Service of the Third Ohio Veteran Volunteer Cavalry, Toledo, OH: The Stoneman Press, 1910.
    Downing, Alexander G., Downing's Civil War Diary, edited by Olynthus B. Clark, Des Moines, IA: The Historical Department of Iowa, 1916.
    Fitch, Michael H., Echoes of the Civil War As I Hear Them, New York: RF Fenno & Co., 1905.
    Grotty, D.G., Four Years Campaigning in the Army of the Potomac, Grand Rapids, MI: Dygert Bros. & Co., 1874.
    Hinkley, Julian Wisner, A Narrative of Service With the Third Wisconsin Infantry, Wisconsin Historical Commission, 1912.
    Horrall, S.F., History of the Forty-Second Indiana Volunteer Infantry, 1892.
    Jones, Thomas B., Complete History of the 46th Illinois Volunteer Infantry, Freeport, IL: W.H. Wagner & Sons, 1900.
    Josyph, Peter, editor, The Wounded River: The Civil War Letters of John Vance Lauderdale MD, East Lansing, MI: 1993.
    Ray, William, Four Years with the Iron Brigade: The Civil War Journal of William Ray, Company F, Seventh Wisconsin Volunteers. Edited by Lance J.
    Herdegen and Sharon Murphy, Da Capo Press, 2002.
    War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1880-1901.