Period Farm Tools.

[pvtben]

Hello Guys,

I Am Doing some looking into about attending willsons creek. Now i have an old double barrel shotgun from the 1850's but i also wanted o bring a old farm tools such as (pitch fork Hoe Or sumtin to that matter) and i am not sure what a period one looks like. I plan on using it if i decide not to use my gun.

If any of yall have any pictures or info about this please let me know.

Thanks

Ben Jenkins
19th LA Infantry

[Yellowhammer]

Re: Period Farm Tools.

Correct me if I'm wrong guys, but from the reading I've done on Wilson's Creek (including Brooksher's "Bloody Hill"), the unarmed men that were part of Sterling Price's command were largely unorganized and didn't really take part in the battle. I know the organized forces of the Missouri State Guard were heavily engaged but Brooksher and others give the impression of an unarmed disorganized mob of unarmed men milling around in the army's wake.

According to Gen. Ben McCulloch's report, "The Missouri and Arkansas State forces were in the battle under my command. Want of arms and discipline made my number comparatively small."

All that said, of the troops engaged, particularly McCulloch's CS forces, weren't the majority of them armed with some kind of firearm? I see reenactors going to this event with pitchforks and axes but weren't these troops not held in reserve or not committed until armed?

Just curious.

[Charles Heath]

Re: Period Farm Tools.

Ben,

John probably steered you in the right direction, and you can bet the fellows who do those Wilson's Creek living histories around the Ray House, and other good locations on the battlefield could be of some genuine assistance. This fine FGLHA forum could help improve your MSG impression:

http://b27.ezboard.com/ffrontierguardfrm1

So could this equally fine, but underutilized ATM forum in a dusty corner of the internet:

http://disc.server.com/Indices/182450.html

Not to mention a nifty account of the camp, the drilling, and fight:

http://members.aol.com/ozrkreb/hist3Cheav.htm

Here's some good general purpose civilian info Tom Ezell salvaged from the Burbridge's website:

http://www.geocities.com/Pentagon/Base/6595/clothing.html

I hope this helps.

Charles Heath

[pvtben]

Re: Period Farm Tools.

Thanks,

That helped i have an originla 1850's style double barrel shotgun i have decided to bring and use. Thanks again and hope to talk to you all very soon.

Pvt. Ben Jenkins
19th LA Infantry

[TeamsterPhil]

Re: Period Farm Tools.

Ben,

That double barrelled shotgun will be a great weapon for any Confederate impression at Wilson's Creek. It's just too bad that the NPS won't let us carry flinters for any firing demonstrations -- McCollough requisitioned LOTS of flints before the fight at WC.

Phil Campbell
Head Teamster AoTM

[Tom Ezell]

Re: Period Farm Tools.

Correct me if I'm wrong guys, but from the reading I've done on Wilson's Creek (including Brooksher's "Bloody Hill"), the unarmed men that were part of Sterling Price's command were largely unorganized and didn't really take part in the battle. I know the organized forces of the Missouri State Guard were heavily engaged but Brooksher and others give the impression of an unarmed disorganized mob of unarmed men milling around in the army's wake.

Just curious.

John:

Brooksher wrote his book on Wilson's Creek in the same manner as he did his book on the Red River Campaign... from the den of his home up in Oregon somewhere, and to my knowledge never got any closer to Bloody Hill than maybe Branson... The maps in Bloody Hill are lifted directly from the U.S. Army's staff ride manual for Wilson's Creek National Battlefield.

A far better reference for our interests is Bill Piston's and Rick Hatcher's 2000 book, Wilson's Creek: The Second Battle of the Civil War and the Men Who Fought It, usually available through Amazon or Sh@mrock Hill Books.

Most of the research we did for the 2000 Burbridge impression was lost when GeoCities dumped the web site for inactivity early last fall. I did have most of it saved elsewhere, though, and here are the guidelines that Kip Lindberg worked up for the 2000 event, from my archives of the old Burbridge site:

==================

"The Semblance of a Weapon":
Arms & Equipment of the
Missouri State Guard

by Kip A. Lindberg

(Originally published as Appendix C of Sterling Price's Lieutenants: A Guide to the Officers and Organization of the Missouri State Guard, 1861-1865, by Richard C. Peterson, James E. McGhee, Kip A. Lindberg, and Keith I. Daleen, Two Trails Publishing, Shawnee Mission, KS, 1995.)

Few, if any, military organizations involved in our Civil War could claim to have been as poorly uniformed, equipped, and armed as the Missouri State Guard. For them, the term "citizen soldier" was more than a phrase; it was an indication that they themselves were responsible for procuring much of what a soldier needed.

When Governor Jackson issued his call for volunteers, the state did not have the quartermaster supplies to match the needs of the individuals and companies coming forth. Quartermaster-General of Missouri, James Harding, had been working for months trying to repair the damage done to war materials through years of neglect. Hundreds of rusty flintlock muskets and wagon loads of leather accoutrements, such as belts and cartridge boxes, were found forgotten and neglected in the basement under the capitol building.

Harding had the weapons refurbished and converted to the percussion firing system. He also procured funds to purchase several hundred more weapons, although most were civilian style hunting rifles rather than military weapons. Through Harding's diligence, the men of the Guard would have available in the spring of 1861 over 300 rifled muskets of .58 caliber, nearly 600 .69 caliber muskets, as well as assorted swords and sabers, and two 6-pounder cannons.

While the state arsenal was preparing for war, the various volunteer companies around the state were also hard at work. Several members of the Louisiana, Missouri Militia company decided to take its supply of muskets south to Governor Jackson's fledgling army. Without the knowledge of the other members, who would not support the idea, the 75 or so muskets were removed under the cover of night and spirited away to new owners.

While marching south to join other units, a small force of State Guard troops under Walter Scott O'Kane surprised and battled a force of around 400 Federal Home Guards on June 19, 1861 at Cole Camp, Missouri. John McElroy, in The Struggle for Missouri, reports the Guard captured 362 muskets, some complete with bayonets. He also states O'Kane's force captured another 150 muskets from a German unit in a neighboring county. This supplied the newly formed organization with enough weapons not only to arm itself, but other units training on Cowskin Prairie.

The United States Arsenal at Liberty was seized by pro-southern forces on April 20, 1861. Accounts vary as to how many and what type of weapons were taken. However several hundred small arms, including sabers, holster pistols, and Mississippi rifles, as well as four 6-pounder cannons complete with limbers, were taken for use in the coming conflict.

When the Federal government sent more weapons to Missouri to arm Regulars coming from Forts Riley and Leavenworth, they, too, would be added to the Guard's inventory. These arms were shipped to Kansas City and stored in a warehouse until issued. However, the doors were forced one night and the weapons appropriated. John I. McCorkle, a cavalryman under General Price mentions his company being armed with sabers, Burnside carbines, and ammunition, taken from a warehouse in Kansas City.

Throughout the state, shotguns were being taken down from fireplace mantles and the dust blown from old militia muskets. The men of the new State Guard were aiming themselves. Numerous accounts mention the soldiers of the Guard having nothing but "shotguns, fowling pieces. and squirrel rifles." McBride's men of the 7th Division seemed to be entirely armed with "deer rifles," which one eyewitness said they could use very well.

Captain Francis Marion Cockrell, of the 3rd Infantry, 8th Division, recalled his company al the battle of Wilson's Creek had to get "close enough to use our shotguns and squirrel rifles." He was not alone, as many companies would hold their fire until within 40 yards of the enemy. Lieutenant Colonel Richard A. Boughhan, of the 7th Cavalry Regiment, 8th Division, wrote that of his force of 200 men at the Battle of Carthage, two-thirds were armed with "common rifles and shotguns."

Some men, like Private Richard Hubbell of Steen's Cavalry Regiment, took with them family heirlooms. Hubbell took a silver-mounted Mississippi rifle which had been presented to his uncle for heroism in the Mexican War. He also borrowed a flintlock pistol, which had belonged to a man killed in the Mexican War.
Having no holster, he simply tucked the pistol into the waistband of his pants

For those who desired a fight, any type of weapon would do in a pinch. Sergeant Francis Ferdinand Weed, Company B, 1st Infantry, Clark's 3rd Division, found at the training camp on Cowskin Prairie:
"a motley crew of men and boys, armed with shotguns, old flintlock rifles.
smoothbore muskets, pitchforks, scythe blades, bludgeons, etc. Anything that could be construed into the semblance of a weapon was to be found...."

Some men, lacking a weapon of any sort, joined anyway, hoping one could be acquired later. Private J.W. James, 5th Infantry, 8th Division, stated that while his company was armed with shotguns during the battle of Wilson's Creek, ten members went into the fight unarmed and recovered weapons as casualties mounted.

Henry Cheavens, a private in Company F, 1st Infantry, Clark's 3rd Division. was lucky enough to receive a white blanket, bowie knife, and Mississippi rifle. While he lost the knife and his blanket was stolen, he did get to use the rifle in battle before be was wounded

Even the state of Arkansas tried to aid the Missouri State Guard in arming itself. Brigadier General N. Bart Pearce agreed to loan Sterling Price over 600 flintlock muskets for the upcoming campaign. Quartermaster Harding remarked later that they served the men well at Wilson's Creek and the "loaned" muskets were never returned.

Not everyone would receive a weapon. Joseph Mudd, a State Guard soldier at Wilson's Creek, later wrote that an order was given the morning of the battle for all unarmed combatants to retreat away from the fighting. He estimated seeing fully 3,000 unarmed men marching away.

Initially, artillery of any type was also lacking. In addition to the two cannons from the state arsenal and the four taken at the Liberty Arsenal, Captain Hiram Bledsoe managed to procure another two. One was an iron 6-pounder cast in Lexington, while the other, a long barreled bronze 9-pounder captured at the 1847 Battle of Sacramento, Mexico by Missouri volunteers, was taken by Bledsoe to a machine shop in Lexington. There it was shortened, bored out, and turned into a 12-pounder gun. Bledsoe obtained from Quartermaster Harding a cannon carriage, on which he mounted his new cannon.
Nicknamed "Old Sacramento," Bledsoe's 12-pounder earned every Guardsman's admiration in the battles of Carthage, Wilson's Creek, Dry Wood, Lexington, and Elkhorn Tavern.

Such a variety of weapons provided no end of frustration for those ordered to provide ammunition. Quartermaster Harding found how difficult it was providing ammunition to a company; armed indifferently with weapons, no two of which were the same caliber. Some bullets were made in molds purchased by Harding before the war, and buckshot was crudely cast in bullet molds made from green oak logs. The supply of gunpowder was limited. It was not only used for ammunition but occasionally as a substitute for salt. One barrel was accidentally exploded in a celebration of the arrival of Confederate troops at Cassville.

In the weeks before the fight at Wilson's Creek, Private John Bell kept busy rolling paper cartridges, filling them with powder, and topping it off with nine pieces of buckshot. In this way cartridges were made for small arms. Fixed ammunition for artillery was more difficult to produce. Lieutenant William P. Barlow of Guibor's Battery was charged with the production of suitable projectiles. Tin cylinders were manufactured and filled with iron rods, cut into one-inch slugs. Powder bags were sewn from bolts of flannel, with various degrees of success.

What ammunition there was for these weapons was often carried in cloth bags, powder horns and trouser pockets for want of a proper cartridge box. Private Richard Hubbell carried bullets in one vest pocket, powder in another, and percussion caps in a third. One State Guardsman said his company was given a cloth bag filled with buckshot, and told to "pour in a handful" before firing. John Bell said those with cartridges carried them in their pockets, and those with shotguns carried powder in horns and shot in shot pouches. Without proper cartridge boxes, an army might become "unarmed" if their powder became wet. In fact, rain halted the Guard's advance on Springfield the night before the battle at Wilson's Creek.

The volunteer army was also hindered by the lack of camp equipage. There was almost universal lack of tentage, camp equipment, and cooking utensils. Various accounts mention regimental and division officers having tents for their use. Henry Cheavens mentions in his journal of continually sewing repairs to his tent. Peter Lane, a soldier in Captain D.C. Stone's company, 8th Division, wrote that a town of tents sprang up on Cowskin Prairie after the victory at Carthage. "The tents of each regiment," he said, "were stretched in a straight line leaving room… for the fires and also for a street." However, most men report sleeping under the stars, with blankets, if available, as their only cover. After the fight at Carthage, members of Slack's 4th Division found one of Sigel's abandoned baggage wagons, filled with buffalo robes. Alonzo Shelton, a private in Hughes' Regiment, found "they were good to sleep on."
Not alone in this experience, Henry Cheavens, who was wounded at Wilson's Creek, was placed on a buffalo robe at a field hospital soon after the battle.
Despite the apparent absence of equipment, some lucky units seemed very well supplied indeed. Richard Hubbell, of Captain Reeve's company, Steen's Cavalry regiment, was issued a tent, tin plate and cup, knife, fork, and spoon, and presumably had a horse to carry it all.

Listed among the noted absences of equipment is a lack of a common uniform Kelly's company, a pre-war St. Louis militia group that joined Parson's 6th Division, had dark blue frock coats and forage caps, and white buff leather. The Callaway Guards, of Burbridge' s Infantry. Regiment, were said to have been "the only uniformed company" at Carthage, which Joseph Mudd said were gray in color.

For the most part, the men of the Guard seemed to have worn clothes from home, which reflected their occupation and standing. When clothes wore out new clothing was produced. Henry Cheavens spent his time before Wilson's Creek time sewing shirts and pants. Cloth was plentiful, but the finished products were not.

Any commonality at all was due to color. Butternut, produced from dyes in walnut hulls, was a economical way to color homespun cloth. Butternut has been described as "a rather tired looking brown," often with yellowish tones. The Guard was described by a federal soldier at Carthage a having "no uniforms, being entirely clad in the homespun butternut jeans worn by every Missouri farmer in those days." It was so common that the Guard has been referred to as the "Butternut Boys."

Probably the most unusual description of Guardsmen comes from a period newspaper:
"Here went one fellow in a shirt of brilliant green, on his side an immense cavalry sabre, in his belt two navy revolvers and a Bowie knife, and slung from his shoulder a Sharp's rifle. Right by his side was another, upon whose hip dangled a light medical sword, in his hand a double-barrelled shotgun, in his boot an immense scythe... Generally, the soldiers were armed with shotguns and squirrel rifles. Some had the old flintlock muskets, a few had Minie guns, and other Sharp's or Maynard's rifles, while all, to the poorest, had horses."

There was apparently no way to distinguish men of the different branches of service, except. The men assigned to the Provost Guard in the training camps on Cowskin Prairie were noted by Peter Lane as wearing red ribbons around their shoulders as a token of their office.

The absence of proper uniforms was not limited to the average private. Most officers lacked any indication of position or rank. Hans Adamson, in his book Rebellion in Missouri, states that officers used pieces of colored cloth, sewn to their shoulders, as insignia.

James Mudd, a very observant soldier in Clark's 3rd Division, noted that he saw only two uniformed Guard officers before Wilson's Creek. His regimental commander. Col. John Q. Burbridge, was wearing "an officer's coat and cap of the old militia," while Major John B. Clark, Jr. "wore a soldier's gray jacket and black military hat." The division commander John B. Clark, was finely dressed in a "black broadcloth frock coat and black slouch hat."

Major General Sterling Price, commander of the entire State Guard, did not apparently dress the part. Three soldiers, from Missouri, Arkansas, and Louisiana, all described Price as wearing a suit of linen clothes, "not over clean," with a saber, and riding an "old looking, gray horse." One man mistook him for just another old Missouri farmer. Fortunately, General Price did not need a fancy uniform to inspire his men.

Despite the many shortages facing them, the Missouri State Guard became a powerful force in the war in Missouri in 1861. While they were not as well equipped or disciplined as other armies, they managed to march and fight well throughout the first major land campaign of the war.

===============

Arms, Accoutrements, and Equipage:
An Account
of the
1st Infantry Regiment (Burbridge's), 3rd Division,
Missouri State Guard

Kip A. Lindberg, 1999

Containing information taken from wartime newspapers, letters, and journals as well as post war veteran accounts.

Flags

Company A -'Callaway Guards"
In April, 1861, a group of southern ladies in Audrain County designed, produced, and presented a flag to the first recruits raised in that county to fight against the invading Federal forces. Included among the recruits were Daniel McIntyre, John Haskins, George Simpson, and Louis Simpson. The Audrain company failed to organize but these recruits formed the core of Company A, taking the flag along with them.

The flag was described as being sixty inches in length and thirty-six inches on the fly. Three stripes, or bars, each a foot wide ran the length of flag and alternated red-white-red. A field of blue two feet square covered the upper fly corner. On this canton the Missouri coat of arms was worked out in different colors, while above it was a field of eleven silver stars, each nine inches in circumference from their five points. The material used was satin, and the flag attached to a staff with ties.

A staff was turned from a fence rail and was twelve feet tall. A flat spear head, on which was printed "Audrain County, Missouri" and the company in red lettering, adorned the top.

Louis Simpson was designated the company standard bearer and was killed at the Battle of Carthage while carrying the flag. Following this loss Jennings P. On was designated to carry the colors, which had been adopted for the entire regiment. On would be wounded while carrying the flag at Wilson's Creek. Despite the wound On would keep the flag aloft throughout the engagement, winning the praise and admiration of General Clark and all the members of Burbridge's regiment.

Arms and Accoutrements
General Information
One source claims that Company A had Mississippi rifles, Company B- muskets, while the remaining companies of Burbridge's regiment were armed with shotguns, with a few squirrel rifles scattered through each company.
There are two accounts of private soldiers carrying secondary weapons, namely a derringer with a three-inch barrel and a bowie knife.

Two company officers are mentioned as having swords or revolvers, as are two regimental officers.

Company A "Callaway Guards"
At the time of the Governor's first call for militia, the Callaway Guards reported received from the state sixty weapons, which one recipient described as containing everything from "... squirrel rifles to big game guns." Another source is more specific, claiming the company was armed with Mississippi (M1841 U.S.) Rifles. Another source within the company recalled molding balls and rolling cartridges just prior to the battle, and that the balls required a greased patch. The same source goes on to explain that the regiment lacked cartridge boxes so those armed with rifles carried cartridges in their pockets, while those armed with shotguns used powder horns and shot pouches.

Company B "Jackson Guards"
One source blankets the company as being armed with muskets. Burbridge, as a member of the largely pro-Union Louisiana (MO) Guards, appropriated muskets and accouterments from the city armory for the use of his State Guard company. Sources place the exact number of muskets anywhere between a dozen to 150. The best guess would be forty or less, as the haul was enough to arm only part of the company.

Weapon type may be indicated by the accouterments taken. Included among the list are cartridge boxes, waist belts, and bayonet scabbards, but no mention is made of cap-pouches or any other provision for carrying percussion caps. While inconclusive, this may indicate flintlock muskets.

Again, it would not seem that the entire company had muskets. One member described making cartridges for the company. They were made of paper and contained nine bullets or buckshot. He also claims that they made enough for each man to have 100 rounds. He mentions the same ammunition for those armed with shotguns "of the same bore as muskets," or roughly 12 gauge, which may insinuate their presence within the company. At least one member of the company was armed with a Mississippi rifle for which he had thirty paper cartridges, the paper being so tough that it became necessary to untie the choking string to remove the ball. One source explains that ammunition was carried in cloth bags, and extra buckshot issued with instructions to "pour in a hand full" in addition to the standard load!

Company B also received a military drum from the Louisiana Guards courtesy of Captain Burbridge.

Company E
One member present with a Mississippi rifle.

Company I
One member had a musket to which he kept a bayonet constantly affixed. He was singled out as having the only musket in the company.

Conclusions
While far from conclusive, the information suggests a pattern of armament. The majority of Company A seems to have been armed with rifles, with the Mississippi rifle being heavily represented. Cartridges were made specifically for these weapons. The majority of Company B probably had flintlock muskets, with at least some accoutrements, while other members of the company may have had shotguns of roughly 12 gauge. Little information is currently available on the arms of the remaining companies, but it would be probable they were armed as most of the Missouri State Guard are reported armed-- primarily with shotguns and fowling pieces, with some Western and squirrel rifles.

Clothing
General Information
Many sources allude to the omnipresence of butternut-colored homespun clothing worn by the Missouri State Guard. While the exact color may vary, the accounts are clear that the average Guardsman did not wear a uniform but instead dressed in civilian clothes.

Burbridge's Regiment
Clothing accounts specific to Burbridge's regiment are rare and sketchy. One
member of Company A claimed they were the only "uniformed" troops at the Battle of Carthage. A member of another company remembered seeing members of Company A on June 20th wearing "gray uniforms" (when he recorded this in 1909 he also stated Company A was armed with Enfield rifles!).

Members of Companies A, B, E, and I are described, or describe themselves, as wearing civilian trousers, vests, coats, and hats. General McCulloch described the men of the 3" Division, MSG, as wearing "Homespun." A member of Company B called the men of Company I "our Vernon County butternuts."

It would seem from these accounts that most officers were lacking uniforms as well. Accounts have many officers, including Generals McCulloch, Price, Clark, and McBride, completely devoid of military uniforms. One man in Company B noted seeing only two officers at Wilson's Creek wearing anything resembling a uniform. Colonel Burbridge was "wearing an officers coat and hat of the old militia" and Major John B. Clark, Jr. "a soldier's grey jacket and black military hat." It is possible that Burbridge was wearing an officer's uniform, as he had been a first lieutenant in the Louisiana Guards, but unfortunately there is no description of their uniforms. Similarly the style of Clark's "soldier's grey jacket" is uncertain, and while the "black military hat" might be some form of the contemporary army dress hat its exact appearance is open to speculation.

Another area in which many accounts coincide is how quickly clothing wore out. One member of Company E notes going through two pair of trousers prior to the Battle of Wilson's Creek. He further remarks that clothing production was a common activity in camp, with bolts of cloth being issued to make trousers and shirts.

Conclusions
It would be a likely guess that most of the men in Burbridge's regiment would have been dressed in civilian clothing of various colors, cloth-types, and styles by the time of Wilson's Creek. Perhaps as one of the earliest militia companies organized for the Governor's service the Cal/away Guards had prepared a uniform, but after nearly two months of hard campaigning it is probable they didn't hold up. This may explain the account placing them at Carthage (after two weeks in the field) but the lack of any account at Wilson's Creek (after almost two months of wear).

Rations and Cooking Utensils
Feeding a large army on the move through the rural Missouri countryside was a considerable chore. Through several sources within Burbridge's regiment we get a glimpse into what they ate and how they prepared it.

Price's army took full advantage of the fields of ripening corn all across Missouri. Two members of the regiment recall having roasting ears for dinner and breakfast. Indeed one of the reasons the Southern army camped along Wilson's Creek was the presence of several large cornfields.

Traveling with the State Guard were herds of cattle and flocks of sheep. Again two members of the regiment tell of their company butchers preparing both beef and mutton the morning of August 10tho One soldier recalled eating fresh beef throughout the campaign, whether fried, boiled, smoked, or made into "Sac pies." Several sources agree that there was no salt for the beef: and eating it without became tiresome and was thought to make one ill. Beef was dried and smoked over a low fire for preservation.

While the army was encamped at Cowskin Prairie groups of soldiers were sent out into the neighboring communities to harvest wheat, which was ground into flour to produce bread. Members of Companies A & B remembered making bread the morning of August 10th, baking flat round loaves or biscuits, while a member of Company E lamented having no bread since Cowskin Prairie.

There does seem to be some indication of foraging, as some of the first witnesses to the Federal attack on August 10th were men out foraging. A member of Company E recalled digging potatoes and taking beets and string beans from a family garden and making a "porridge" with his beef ration. Occasionally food was found, in one instant a large hunk of bacon, but was not eaten for fear the enemy had poisoned it.

Along with salt there was a universal shortage of coffee. A member of Company B remarked with envy that coffee grounds had been found in the abandoned camp of the privileged 3rd Louisiana Infantry.

The regiment was apparently well equipped with cooking utensils. Accounts have kettles, dutch ovens, flying pans and skillets being used by three companies throughout the campaign. Members of Company B actually gathered up the mess gear and through it into their company wagon to be driven away to safety in the opening moments of that battle.

Conclusions
The average State Guardsman subsisted on fresh beef and ripening corn, with some amount of mutton and bread occasionally offering a break in the monotony. At times other vegetables might be found and added to the diet, but probably not in exceptional numbers. Mess gear would have been present in some numbers.

Miscellaneous Equipage
General Information
A surprising number of accounts place a large quantity of tentage within Price's army. One soldier remembered a community of tents springing up at Cowskin Prairie, with space left between rows for company streets. Other accounts acknowledge their presence in company baggage wagons, while some limit their use to officers and for the production and storage of ordnance. Others produced shelters of green boughs to ward off sun and rain.
Accounts place tents in use by common soldiers of Companies A and E but fail to allude to their type. One soldier in Company B reported sleeping "under the stars" on a bed of hay taken from the mules which pulled the company wagon.
Blankets were present for several members of Company A.

Accounts of canteens exist for Companies A, B, and E, although the sources seem to suggest a scattered distribution.

Conclusions
Tents, blankets, and canteens are present in Burbridge's regiment but in quantities as yet undetermined.

=====================

Hope this helps...

Tom
Formerly of Co. B, "Jackson Guards," Burbridge's Infantry
The Patriot Army of Missouri...

[John of the Skulkers Mess]

jeez Tom

There's one for the Archives!

T'anks a ton!


John Pillers

[pvtben]

Re: Period Farm Tools.

HEY,

THANKS THATS GREAT IT IS SAVED IN IN MY BANKS OF INFO>

ben jenkins
19th la infantry

[Yellowhammer]

Re: Period Farm Tools.

Definitely a great post. Thanks!

[John Pellarin]

Re: Period Farm Tools.

Tom,

Are there any refrences along with Kip's fine articles? I am familiar with Wilson's Creek and many of the sources - the problem is it has been so damn long since I've revisited them!

John Pellarin

[Tom Ezell]

Re: Period Farm Tools.

Tom,

Are there any refrences along with Kip's fine articles? I am familiar with Wilson's Creek and many of the sources - the problem is it has been so damn long since I've revisited them!

John Pellarin

Sadly, they came without footnotes, if that's what you mean... Kip refers to particular diary/memoir entries, and sort of assumes that you're pretty familiar with the literature to start with.

In addition to the Piston-Hatcher book up above, Sterling Price's Lieutenants is a good reference if you can snag a copy somewhere via ILL... it was a fairly small run, and is out-of-print for about the past four or five years now.

There's one additional article from the old Burbridge site covering the battlefield tactics used at Bloody Hill, and that's pretty much what we had...

Tom

======================

A Tactical Study of the
1st Infantry Regiment (Burbridge's), 3rd Division,
Missouri State Guard
at the
Battle of Wilson's Creek
Kip A. Lindberg, 1999

Containing information taken from wartime newspapers, letters, and journals as well as post-war veteran's accounts.

It was no small task to train an inexperienced group of men in drill and tactics while they rapidly marched across the entire state of Missouri, and yet it was in this fashion that the men of Burbridge's regiment received their initial training. For the most part it was a regiment of novices with few men having any more than a month of military experience prior to their first combat.

The "Callaway Guards" were organized in April, 1861, at Fulton, Missouri from an enthusiastic but inexperienced group of farmer, clerks, mechanics, and college students. The role of drill master fell to John S. Haskins (or Hoskins), a "soldier of fortune" living at that time in Fulton. Company members respected his claim of surviving dozens of pitched battles while filibustering with William Walker. Unfortunately there is little information available on Haskins, but whatever his background he apparently instructed his men well. Several members bragged they were the best drilled company on the field at Carthage. There is no evidence that any other member had any prior military experience whatsoever. However it is clear that this company had regular meetings for the purpose of drill prior to the opening of hostilities.

The "Jackson Guards" were organized in response to the governor's call for troops in May. Unlike the "Callaway Guards," this company was organized on the move and included members from a wider geographic area. Little instruction in drill was possible until the organization and training of the regiment commenced at the State Guard camp on Cowskin Prairie following the Battle of Carthage. At that point, however, instruction began in earnest. Three members had at least some prior experience. Captain William Carter had been a sergeant in the Louisiana (MO) Guards, a pre-war militia company, and was known as a "master of tactics." Joining him from the Louisiana Guards was Francis F. Weed, the new 1st Sergeant of the Jackson Guards. Another man, J.W. Boyce, was a veteran of the War with Mexico. One veteran remembered Boyce instructing the men for hours on end in company drill through the tall grass of Cowskin Prairie. By the time of the Battle of Wilson's Creek this training was enough for one soldier to proudly boast the Jackson Guards were the best drilled company in all of Price's army!

The "Macon Silver Grays" were also organized in response to Governor Jackson's call for troops on May 11, 1861. The company met to elect officers and to drill. It was later recalled that the company had some knowledge of "systematic drill" but there is no indication any members had prior military experience.

Prior to July 4th the companies lacked any regimental organization. At this time the companies were organized as the 1st Infantry regiment of the Third Division, despite the fact that a third of the men were not from that congressional district. John Q. Burbridge, a former lieutenant in the Louisiana Guards who had been commanding the Jackson Guards, was elected to command the regiment and oversaw its training over nearly three weeks at Cowskin Prairie. Again while the system of drill used is not known it is clear the men drilled several hours in the morning and several more in the afternoon in both company and regimental formations.

The only possible clue into the system of tactics used by the regiment is a statement made by one member of Company B, the Jackson Guards. He recalled marching along the Telegraph Road in "lockstep, eight abreast." A check through the manuals of Scott, Gilham, Casey, and Hardee finds the "lockstep" covered by Scott only.

The combined Southern army camped along the banks of Wilson Creek on August 6th. For the next three days the army rested and prepared to advance further and attack the Federal army holding Springfield. Preparations were made to advance during the evening of August 9th, but rain showers forced a postponement. Burbridge's regiment rested on their arms.

The area over which Burbridge's regiment would maneuver and fight was not ideally suited for combat. Rising above the floodplains of Wilson Creek and Terrill's Branch were a series of undulating ridges running together to create a high point known locally as "Oak Hill." The slopes of the hill were a checkerboard of stunted scrub oaks, grass and brush, and small clearings with limestone outcropping. The top of the hill was marked by a thicker stand of Blackjack and Chinquapin Oak which gave the hill its name. In the opening hour of the battle Lyon's Federal army gained the military crest of Oak Hill, which overlooked the State Guard camp below, and held their position for the duration of the engagement.

Most of the Missouri State Guard was encamped in the floodplain of Wilson's Creek, along both sides of the Telegraph Road. Once alerted to the presence of the Federal army it was not difficult for Colonel Burbridge to "sound the long roll," organize his regiment, and march them toward the crest of Oak Hill. Once deployed the Southern line of battle would curve around the base of the hill.

At least one company (B) was formed in two ranks. Colonel Burbridge and General Clark gave last minute advice to their men. Clark suggested the men fire at the enemy's belt plates. Colonel Burbridge admonished his men to hold their fire until within forty yards of the foe. "Save your ammunition," he urged, "and don't fire without taking steady aim." He, too, suggested they aim low, "at their breeches buttons," which was sure to inflict a mortal wound.

When the Southern line advanced it did so in spurts, a company or regiment at a time, with no coordination among adjacent forces. The broken, uneven ground further hampered efforts at a combined push. As Burbridge led his men forward the rising ground forced his companies inward until men were competing for the same space. In places the line bunched up, forcing men to stand sideways and companies to overlap. At one point a soldier observed the line to be four men deep. All the while the Colonel kept repeating "Don't fire! Don't fire! Wait until ordered!"

For the next few hours a system of combat would develop. Burbridge would march his men forward until they caught sight of the enemy through the brush and smoke. The regiment would halt and the men were given orders to take careful aim and fire. After venting their emotion through fierce yells the line would retire a short distance down slope to reload. One man in Company E called this their "resting spell." Occasionally a man would be unable to wait or chanced to see a likely target and would sprint in advance of the regiment to fire, only to be called back by his officer.

The pattern of "March up; Fire; Fall back; Reform" would be repeated throughout the battle. Several members recalled being told to squat or lie down during the lulls. During times of heavy combat the men were ordered to lie down and fire under the smoke, then rise to reload. They had been introduced to this tactic at the Battle of Carthage when unable to answer Sigel's long range artillery fire. A number of men recalled that a few fellow soldiers thought this "less than honorable" and chose to remained standing. The firing seems to have been "at will," perhaps as the priority of careful aim or the variety of weapons disallowed volleys. Indeed a few members took note of the 3rd Louisiana Infantry when they delivered volley fire.

The lack of reserve ammunition, the constant admonition to "Take careful aim," the broken terrain, and the limited range of many weapons all combined to produce an extremely low volume of fire. Many members of the regiment remarked that the enemy fired at a minimum three shots to their one. One soldier in Company E, active in the battle until wounded in the last advance, fired a total of eight times. Other sources in the Southern army corroborate a limited amount of fire, with several documented sources listing less than two dozen shots fired during the entire six hour battle.

Conclusions
By the time of Wilson's Creek the men of Burbridge's regiment had received some systematic training in company and regimental drill. A variety of weapons within individual companies may have limited the ability to standardize a manual of arms and complicated the loading drill. Those with some pre-war military experience served as drill instructors. What information is currently available may suggest the use of Scott's Manual of Drill and Tactics, which had been widely used prior to the war.

The regiment seems to have used linear formations in combat. Terrain helped to dictate the method of combat. More time was devoted to maneuvering and holding static positions than delivering fire. Company commanders took advantage of the terrain to conceal their men arid limit casualties. Men were ordered to deliver a slow, careful fire to maximize enemy casualties and minimize a waste of their limited supply of ammunition.

[John Pellarin]

Re: Period Farm Tools.

Tom,

Thanks for the reply. Time to hit the books!

John Pellarin

[MissouriStateGuard]

Re: Wilson's Creek/MSG References

Hello all,

I agree with Tom Ezell's assessment of Brookshire's book. I worked at WICR from 1991 to 1997 and never met Mr. Brookshire. Although he thanks the staff for their assistance none of us could ever remember him utilizing the research library, and quickly came to the conclusion he may have just purchased books in the visitors center and scanned the information into his computer.

Accounts place the numbers of unarmed State Guardsmen at between one and two thousand. McCulloch had ordered them to stay behind at Cassville, lest they further deplete the meager supplies his army had. On the other hand Price encouraged them to stay, allowing him to command a larger force with hope he could arm them after the next battle.

With the first shots at Wilson's Creek the baggage train and many of the unarmed Guardsmen fled south along the Springfield road. Once Sigel blocked their line of retreat several hundred were captured.

I would encourage anyone wanting to participate in the upcoming LH event to arm themselves for the living history event with a firearm, and not a farm implement. While there are a few accounts of recruits showing up with pitchforks, clubs, etc. I haven't found any references once the army left Cowskin Prairie.

In reference to the information posted here on Burbridge's regiment:

[QUOTE=Tom Ezell]Sadly, they came without footnotes, if that's what you mean... Kip refers to particular diary/memoir entries, and sort of assumes that you're pretty familiar with the literature to start with.]

For the past dozen years I have been collecting material for a history of Burbridge's regiment of the Missouri State Guard. When we were preparing for the WICR event in 2000 I allowed the information to be posted on the "Burbridge Battalion" website with the stipulation it be removed after the event. We chose Burbridge's regiment because it is perhaps the most documented unit in that enigmatic army. I believe strongly that if you are going to do a first person LH event your primary goal should be achieving the highest levels of documentation possible. We had bio information for the original cadre as well as the information cited in this forum.

When we portrayed Burbridge's regiment at Wilson's Creek back in 1996 every participant had the bio information of his historical counterpart. We were armed as they were, ate what they did, camped where they camped, and started the event with being rousted out of camp at 0530 by the blast of a cannon. We formed into line of battle and followed Burbridge's historical route up Bloody Hill, pausing to read participant accounts and pulling guys out of the ranks when their character was wounded or killed 135 years to the day before. Eight years later and participants are still talking fondly about that experience.

In 2000 I was torn between wanting to get the information out to participants and protecting my research and sources. Not footnoting the information was a concerted effort on my part to protect my research.

Since then I have found the material used and cited elsewhere, most of the time with no credit given.

I am not insulted or upset that these questions have been raised about my research- I would treat any unsupported declarations as suspect and take them with a grain of salt- but I hope this helps explain why my sources were not listed.

Keep up the good work,

Kip Lindberg