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  • Effective Tactics

    This is a spin-off from the "What the Regular Army Officers Knew" thread in the Sinks. I got in trouble for posting that there, so I'll try the Authenticity Discussions this time.:)

    Kevin O'Beirne wrote:

    "Probably eight or ten years ago "North and South" magazine had a great couple of articles titled, "The Rifled-musket Revolution?" that seriously questioned--with a lot of evidence--the widely held opinion that Civil War battles were so bloody due to the increased range and accuracy of the rifled-musket. The articles convinced me that there was little real use of the range and accuracy of these weapons until the final year of the war."

    This is a topic that has been around for years, but I can't resist putting my two cents in. In no particular order:

    1. The effective combat range of rifle muskets wasn't very great. It took me two years to tune my original M-1861 up to getting 4 inch groups at 100 yards. I had to figure out the best charge (43 grains of XXX, in case anyone cares) for the ball I was using (505 grain Rapine) and I had to size the ball 2 mils less that land-to-land distance of the bore. I also found I had to wire brush the bore every 8 shots or the ball wouldn't load. These are tolerances that can not be maintained in military situations. The US Ordnance Department continually reduced the size of the balls it issued throughout the war because of loading problems with fouled guns. They were issuing .565" balls by the end of the war. The worst possible thing that can happen for the accuracy of an elongated ball is that it fails to take the rifling and tumbles. A tumbling elongated ball will be less accurate and have less range than a round ball. (It makes a god-awful hole if it hits you, though.) To get an idea of how hard it was to get a properly served muzzle-loading rifle to shoot accurately, read the Ordnance reports on the seige of Charlestown, SC. The artillery recorded the flight of every shot from the seige guns and noted whether the shot tumbled or not. Even with careful swabbing between every round, 1/5 of the shells tumbled and did not reach their targets. There is no way that combat infantrymen were getting better results than that with their shoulder arms. Deliberately hitting a man-sized target at 300 yards with a rifle musket is hard.

    2. Range estimation is critical with low-velocity weapons. The muzzle velocity of a rifle musket is around 800 ft/sec. That means that a shot fired at the belt of a man standing 350 yards away will go clean over the head of a man sitting on horseback at 125 yards. For comparison, the trajectory of a round from an M-1 Garrand fired at a man 350 yards will only rise 11 inches at the highest point. US infantry snipers in Europe in WWII were taught to set their sights at 300 yards and leave them alone. That's right, snipers were taught not to adjust their sights for range while in combat. You can't get away with doing that with a rifle musket. Most of what you are getting in the Civil War is area fire, not aimed fire because a 25 yard error in range estimation for anything beyond 100 yards means a miss. Which leads me to my next point.

    3. In area fire, volume is what counts. Volume is created by the combination of number of firing weapons, and rate of fire. Muzzle-loading weapons are inherently slow firing. There are nine steps in successfully loading a rifle musket. On my best day I could never get off more than seven aimed shots in 2.5 minutes, and that was starting with the rifle loaded. With your rate of fire fixed at 3 rounds per minute, your only option for increasing the volume of fire is to increase the number of weapons firing. In a battalion with 300 men in two ranks, you have 150 files occupying a front of 250 feet. That gives you 1.2 rifles per linear foot. If you take the same number of men and spread them out on a skirmish line at five pace intervals, you have a front of 3,500 feet or 1,167 yards, or 7/10 of a mile with .086 rifles per foot. If that skirmish line fires on a target at 600 yards range (the range that the British used in their test of skirmishers firing on an artillery battery at Hythe) the men on the ends of the line are firing at a range of 836 yards. If the target is not opposite the center of the skirmish line, it will be out of extreme range of the ends of the skirmish line. The tactical problem is to choose the correct density of fire for the particular situation. In the modern military they talk about this under the principles of Mass and Economy of Force.

    4. Command and control is as important in a firefight as weapons accuracy. Tactical C&C in the Civil War is line-of-sight and range-of-my-voice. The solution to defensive fire is to either supress the fire or to maneuver around it. Modern critics of Civil War commanders say that they should have understood that rifled weapons made attacks too dangerous, but they don't say what the correct method to solve that problem was. How was a tactical commander supposed to have brought suppressive fire on a defensive position? He can't radio a fire support base. He can't call in tactical air. How is he supposed to control elements maneuvering around the defending force? Where you see attacks break down during the Civil War is in the exploitation phase. Operational commanders can't get forces to critical points quickly enough. Basically you wind up an attack like a clockwork toy and then it either suceeds on its own inertia or it gets driven back with heavy losses. This is the identical problem that commanders on the Western Front faced in WWI. Machine guns didn't make No Mans Land impassible. Attacks made it across No Mans Land all the time. The problem was that command and control during WWI was by field phone. The phone lines didn't cross the deadly ground with the assault troops. The defender could call in reinforcements and indirect fire by phone, while the attacker found himself cut off from communication with his artillery and reserves. Tactically all the heavy, water-cooled machine gun did during WWI was fill in the role of cannister when field artillery became an indirect fire weapon. 80% of casualties during WWI were caused by artillery. That is distinctly different from the Civil War. If you look at weapons lethality, the Civil War is an aberation and WWI is a return to
    the norm.

    5. I have no idea where people get the idea that professional soldiers didn't appreciate the developments in weapons technology that were going on around them. They certainly published enough books about it before the war. Alfred Mordecai's report from the Crimean War contains a full translation of a Prussian report on rifled shoulder arms and Cadmus Wilcox's book "Rifle Practice" even includes the color illustrations from the British studies at Hythe that I mentioned above. All the Ordnance Department reports on the development of the 1855 rifle, 1855 rifle musket, and the Burton elongated ball were also available before the war.
    In every single case that I've ever heard of where professional soldiers have been accused of not appreciating the changes in tactics that were occuring around them, close examination has shown that it was the author of the critique who was actually ignorant of what the professionals knew. It seems like ever since Epaminondas defeated the Spartans at Leuctra there has been some Monday Morning Quarterback saying that soldiers must be idiots because they didn't think of this tactics or that tactic sooner. Considering how good everyone else is at predicting the future, I'm not sure why soldiers are the ones who always get accused of being slow on the uptake. I heard a presentation recently where the speaker argued basically that linear tactics had been in use for hundreds of years before the Civil War, therefore they were being used in the Civil War because of tradition. Video-guided laproscopic surgery was first performed in Tokyo before the Second World War. Does that mean orthopedic surgeons who use it today are fossilized relics?

    When you read up on what was considered the state of the art just before the war, you come away with an appreciation for how technical the field was and how difficult the job was.

    Best Regards,

    Paul Kenworthy

  • #2
    Re: Effective Tactics

    Paul and others,

    I'm immensely enjoying the this post and the other discussion. Wish I had time to chirp in a little more but I'm organizing an event in April, a preservation group and a church committee! I'm swamped.

    The best I can put in beyond saying "good show" is to recommend the book "The Bloody Cruicible of Courage: Fighting Methods and Combat Experience of the Civil War." In it Brent Nosworthy does an excellent job looking at the tactics that led us to the tactics used during the Civil War as well as the tactics of the 1860s, their evolution and does this while taking psychological factors of combat stress into account. I found it a very helpful when and recall parts of it (though I can't quote here) while reading this discussion.

    Excellent read published by Carroll and Graf. The ISBN is 0-7867-1147-7.

    Hope this is helpful.

    Best,

    Will
    Will Eichler

    Member, Company of Military Historians
    Saginaw City Light Infantry
    Hubbard Winsor Lodge #420
    Stony Creek Lodge #5

    Civil War Digital Digest
    http://civilwardigitaldigest.com/

    Historic Fort Wayne Coalition
    www.historicfortwaynecoalition.com

    Comment


    • #3
      Re: Effective Tactics

      Originally posted by Will Eichler View Post
      Paul and others,

      I'm immensely enjoying the this post and the other discussion. Wish I had time to chirp in a little more but I'm organizing an event in April, a preservation group and a church committee! I'm swamped.

      The best I can put in beyond saying "good show" is to recommend the book "The Bloody Cruicible of Courage: Fighting Methods and Combat Experience of the Civil War." In it Brent Nosworthy does an excellent job looking at the tactics that led us to the tactics used during the Civil War as well as the tactics of the 1860s, their evolution and does this while taking psychological factors of combat stress into account. I found it a very helpful when and recall parts of it (though I can't quote here) while reading this discussion.

      Excellent read published by Carroll and Graf. The ISBN is 0-7867-1147-7.

      Hope this is helpful.

      Best,

      Will
      Will,

      Couldn't agree more. When I got my copy the first thing I did was read the chapter on the bayonet. A whole chapter on the bayonet! And then there was all the material on Algieria in the 1830s. I was in Zou-Zou heaven!

      Best Regards,

      Paul Kenworthy

      Comment


      • #4
        Re: Effective Tactics

        For what it's worth, one of the first times my friends and I fired our rifle-muskets "live" it was in a competition with some other black-powder groups and it wasn't that big a shake to hit a man-sized target at 300 yards.

        Second, about the assertion that Civil War tactics were line-of-signt and "sound-of-voice", I disagree. Bugles were typically used to maneuver battalions and brigades, and plenty of battles, including ones like Chancellorsville, Chickamauga, Wilderness, and Glove Tavern (8/18/1864) were fought in extremely dense woodlands that, while difficult, a certain level of command and control was certainly possible without line-of-signt and sound-of-voice. Also, in addition to buglers, there were these things we often rarely or never see in reenacting: mounted staff officers carrying orders and reports around the battlefield, so that higher-level commanders could indeed exercise control beyond their own line-of-sight.

        Comment


        • #5
          Re: Effective Tactics

          Additionally you dismiss several facts in your assertion that rifled muskets weren't that effective.

          1) Medical records indicate that the vast majority of wounds were musket inflicted. A massive number of men were killed and wounded at ranges significantly greater than 100 yards.

          2) Cold Harbor 8,000 casualties in what 1 hour? Either there were a whole lot more rebs there than we've been led to believe or they were better shots than you give them credit for.

          3) The US Army estimated that during WWII, using vastly more sophisticated weapons, it fired 10,000 rounds of small arms fire for every casuality they inflicted. Not killed, inflicted. I don't think you are willing to state that the Garand was ineffective beyond 100 yards but based on the number of rounds needed to inflict casualties you might infer that.

          Yes the line officier was most effective with a LOS to his men. So was a Lt in Europe, Vietnam or Iraq for that matter. That doesn't mean that operational manuvers were conducted that way. Tactics yes but really they still are.

          Operational manuvers were conducted over large areas out of the LOS for the officer responsible.
          Bob Sandusky
          Co C 125th NYSVI
          Esperance, NY

          Comment


          • #6
            Re: Effective Tactics

            Let's talk bayonets.

            Alfred Hutton lists 109 manuals on bayonet fencing in the bibliography of "Fixed Bayonets: A Complete System of Fence for the British Magazine Rifle, Explaining the Use of Point, Edges, and Butt, Both in Offence and Defence, Comprising Also a Glossary of English, French, and Italian Terms Common to the Art of Fencing, with a Bibliographic List of Works Affecting the Bayonet." (London: William Clowes and Sons, 1890.) The manuals are written in English, French, German, Italian, Russian, Spanish, and Swedish. The earliest manual cited is from 1746 and the most recent ones, not counting Hutton's itself, were one from London and one from Berlin in 1889. Hutton wrote his first manual in 1862 while a lieutenant in the Cameron Highlanders.

            Like the subject of the tactical employment of rifled firearms, the tactical employment of swords and bayonets was hotly debated throughout the 19th century, both in print and in training. One of the most interesting articles on the subject appears in the Journal of the Military Services Institution of the United States, Vol III, 1882. Written by 2nd Lieutenant John Bigelow, jr., of the 10th Cavalry (USMA class of 1873) titled: "The Sabre and Bayonet Question." and read before the Institute at West Point on Thursday, September 15, 1881. This article summarizes the debate as it was seen at the time, but the most interesting part for me was the information on Surgeon General reports from the Civil War. The lack of bayonet wounds recorded by army surgeons was frequently used as evidence of the obsolescence of the weapon, but the problem with the statistics is that the Surgeon General reports weren't being generated for tactical evaluation, they were being generated to support treatment. In a letter to General Sherman in 1878 a report from the Surgeon General stated that out of an aggregate of 253, 142 recorded cases, there were only 906 sabre and bayonet wounds. However, if you look at the data in the report you discover that the surgeons only called a wound a sabre or bayonet wound if they were sure what weapon had caused it. Otherwise they called it things like, "Incised and punctured wounds from various sources," or " Lacerated and contused wounds," or "Incised wounds of the scalp (weapon unknown)." If you include all puncture or incised wounds, suddenly the number jumps to 28,533, or 1 in every 10 wounds. There is no way to tell if these wounds were caused by bayonets, sabres, bowie knives, or pointy sticks, but there is no doubt that regardless what weapon was actually used, hand-to-hand combat was more common than usually supposed.

            Also note, these are statistics for treated wounds. The Surgeon General did not survey corpes for cause of death.

            It's just my personal opinion, but if an enemy soldier is going to try to stick a fork in me to see if I'm done, I want a weapon to be able to contest the point with him. If my firearm takes 20 seconds to load, I want a secondary weapon that takes zero seconds to load. It seems to me that the officers who were generating all those bayonet fencing manuals in all those European armies all through the 19th century felt pretty much the same way. When I read the intensity and the detail with which each one argues the merits of their particular system, once again I am impressed with their knowledge and professionalism.

            Regards,

            Paul Kenworthy

            Comment


            • #7
              Re: Effective Tactics

              I was stunned how small the difference between the rifled musket and the smoothbore were in effectiveness when I read Mr. Nosworthy’s very well researched book. I have some insight on his research as a good friend of mine helped with some of it; he has an acknowledgement in the forward.
              I do not have my copy with me, but the smoothbore hit someone about .80 percent of the time, while the rifled musket was at a low 1.02 % or so as I recall. I realize that is a fairly good sized jump, 20%, but when you start from a small number, any increase is large percentage wise. I really expected both numbers to be higher, but they went from hitting a man once every 120 rounds or so, to hitting a man every 100 rounds.

              Please correct me if I am wrong. What this tells us is that an average soldier, in an average battle emptied his cartridge box twice with out hitting anything!

              Nosworthy compared European battles of the period, and guess what? That stats hold up.
              Of course there are statistical anomalies, some fights that were the exceptions to the rule, but by and large, the numbers hold up.
              He gives many good reasons for this poor shooting, nerves no doubt, and the fact is most soldiers were poor shots with little training. It was found any rise or fall in the topography of the field played heck with accuracy.
              The truth is, the staggering casualties of the Civil War are mostly due to the massive volume of fire into tightly packed ranks rather than improved accuracy in more modern firearms. The rifle was no doubt more accurate in trained hands under ideal conditions, but in the hands of a typical soldier, under brutal combat conditions, it just wasn't that accurate.

              "The Bloody Crucible of Courage: Fighting Methods and Combat Experience of the Civil War."
              Last edited by KyCavMajor; 03-26-2007, 11:05 PM.
              [FONT=Trebuchet MS]Tod Lane[/FONT]

              Comment


              • #8
                Re: Effective Tactics

                Originally posted by Bob 125th NYSVI View Post
                Additionally you dismiss several facts in your assertion that rifled muskets weren't that effective.

                1) Medical records indicate that the vast majority of wounds were musket inflicted. A massive number of men were killed and wounded at ranges significantly greater than 100 yards.

                2) Cold Harbor 8,000 casualties in what 1 hour? Either there were a whole lot more rebs there than we've been led to believe or they were better shots than you give them credit for.

                3) The US Army estimated that during WWII, using vastly more sophisticated weapons, it fired 10,000 rounds of small arms fire for every casuality they inflicted. Not killed, inflicted. I don't think you are willing to state that the Garand was ineffective beyond 100 yards but based on the number of rounds needed to inflict casualties you might infer that.

                Yes the line officier was most effective with a LOS to his men. So was a Lt in Europe, Vietnam or Iraq for that matter. That doesn't mean that operational manuvers were conducted that way. Tactics yes but really they still are.

                Operational manuvers were conducted over large areas out of the LOS for the officer responsible.
                Hi Bob,

                1. My post on bayonets speaks to the questions about what you can take out of medical records.

                2. Regarding Cold Harbor, casualty rates in and of themselves don't tell you much about weapons effect. There is something of a tautology going on here in that rifle muskets kill the most people during the Civil War because it is far and away the most common weapon. The weapon that caused the most US casualties in Vietnam was the mine and booby trap because that was the weapon the NVA and VC used the most. There were very few US casualties due to TAC air because the enemy didn't have any. That doesn't mean a sharpened bamboo stake is more effective than napalm.

                3. I never made the argument that the rifle musket was ineffective because of the number of rounds fired per casualty. I wasn't making the argument that the rifle musket was ineffective at all. I think it was a definite improvement over the smooth-bore musket. What I was arguing was that the improvement in accuracy did not invalidate or obsolete the current infantry drill. My argument is that the nature of effective infantry drill and tactics was influenced by more important factors than infantry small arms accuracy. As part of that, I made the argument that using the inherent accuracy of the rifle musket in combat was very difficult and therefore rarely achieved. I also made the argument that using the inherent accuracy of the Garand was easier than using that of the M 1861 because of the flatter trajectory of the former. As far as WWII was concerned, the Garand was not, in an overall sense, much of a threat to the enemy. Just as in WWI, artillery inflicted the most casualties on our opponents, not infantry small arms fire. But I would never maintain that infantry small arms weren't important because I don't believe that total casualties are a meaningful measure of combat effectiveness. If inflicting casualties is all it took, we would have won in Vietnam. Achieving the mission is what counts. Sometimes you inflict lots of casualties doing that, and sometimes you don't. It all depends on the situation.

                4. The tactical unit in the Civil War was the brigade. The sub-divisions of the brigade rarely maneuvered out of sight of the brigade commander and when they did, they were out of his control. In contrast, modern airmobile brigade doctrine establishes 6 separate radio communication nets during an air assault. The brigade commander tries to establish his tactical command post in one of the LZs, but he leaves his main command post behind in part to ensure communications with his sub-divisions. It would simply not be possible to execute a successful air assault without modern communications. It is not feasable for the brigade commander to hand out overlays at the PZs and say, "I'll see you on the ground in an hour and we'll sort it all out there."

                In the Civil War, you had no choice but to use LOS techniques. You couldn't get situation reports in real time if you weren't on the ground yourself. You couldn't tell what your skirmishers had run into simply by listening to their bugle calls. As a matter of fact, you couldn't tell if they were your's or the enemy's calls you were hearing if they were out of sight. The operational advantage of the line is that it makes tactical decisions real easy: march to the sound of the guns; if you see holes, plug them.

                I don't see officers directing operations from out of sight in the Civil War if they can help it. John Reynolds gets shot off his horse at Gettysburg on the first day while personally directing deployments. Daniel Sickles gets his leg shot off on the second day. Winfield Hancock gets shot off his horse on the third day. John Buford directs his cavalry from the cupola of the seminary. G. K. Warren directs the 5th Corps deployment from Little Round Top. Current doctrine specifically advises against putting TCPs in buildings or on hill tops. How many corps commanders were casualties of infantry small arms fire in the ETO in 1944? Civil War commanders up through corps level gave orders under fire because they had no choice. There were cases of division commanders orbiting battalion actions in Vietnam in their command helicopters, but that was because they knew there was no enemy AAA. George Patton put himself under artillery fire during the Sicily landings, but that was because he was trying to make a point to his command about going to ground in the open, not because it was necessary for him to direct operation in person.

                Best Regards,

                Paul Kenworthy

                Comment


                • #9
                  Re: Effective Tactics

                  Originally posted by Bob 125th NYSVI View Post
                  2) Cold Harbor 8,000 casualties in what 1 hour? Either there were a whole lot more rebs there than we've been led to believe or they were better shots than you give them credit for.
                  Actually, it was about 3,000 to 3,500 Federal casualties in about an hour. Total Army of the Potomac casualties that day, per army Chief of Staff Andrew Humphrey's post-war history of the campaign, was about 5,500, including the fighting further up the line that day by the Federal Fifth and Ninth Corps. Further, and as Gordon Rhea convincingly argues, the Federal casualties were heavily clustered in certain, largely inexperienced units. No, it didn't take an inordinate number of Rebels to inflict those famously-inflated casualties on June 3, 1864.

                  Comment


                  • #10
                    Re: Effective Tactics

                    Fellows,

                    This subject line is one of my favorites so far. The questions about the accepted theory of: "the tactics didn't evolve with the weapons and that's why they all got killed" have intrigued me for quite a while.
                    Let me add another published work into this mix: Battle Tactics of the Civil War by Paddy Griffith. It is an excellent work about the subjects we are discussing, and is not all that difficult to read.

                    For me, the argument against the "rifle-musket long distance killer" arguement is three-fold:

                    1. While it's easy to say that "The attackers were using outdated Napoleonic tactics that were useless against rifle-muskets" one should also consider that just maybe the defenders were using Napoleonic tactics as well. The tactics of defense called for a reservation of fire until very close range, so that the massive volly would cause the greatest amount of shock to the enemy. How often do we read about units holding their fire until the enemy closed the distance to less than 100 yards? I have read many accounts like that.

                    2. For a man to kill an enemy with a rifle-musket at 500-200 yards, he has to be a fairly well-trained shot. We have all read about the paucity of training given to recruits with respect to live-fire excercises, and when one takes into consideration the powerful physiological reactions that accompany combat, it seems wrong to expect accurate shooting from a citizen-soldier. This consideration would lessen somewhat as a unit gained battlefield experience, however.

                    3. Black powder smoke from a few massed volleys would soon create a thick screen that masked the enemy from view. If you can't see your target, you might as well have a smoothbore in your hands.

                    Just some ideas paraphrased from Griffth's book. I look forward to seeing more discussion on this topic.

                    Y'r Ob'dt Sr'vt
                    Yours, &c
                    Adam Clark
                    -Pumpkin Patch Mess

                    "I really feel that we've stepped into our ancestor's shoes, but... those shoes suck."
                    Connor Clune

                    Comment


                    • #11
                      Re: Effective Tactics

                      " attackers were using outdated Napoleonic tactics "

                      Note that we're talking Napoleon III circa 1845 versus the more famous Napoleon. The 1845 French manual on which Hardee based his 1855 work was considered the state of the art at that time.
                      John Duffer
                      Independence Mess
                      MOOCOWS
                      WIG
                      "There lies $1000 and a cow."

                      Comment


                      • #12
                        Re: Effective Tactics

                        Originally posted by Kevin O'Beirne View Post
                        No, it didn't take an inordinate number of Rebels to inflict those famously-inflated casualties on June 3, 1864.
                        And that was the point.
                        Bob Sandusky
                        Co C 125th NYSVI
                        Esperance, NY

                        Comment


                        • #13
                          Re: Effective Tactics

                          Originally posted by blackhattertuck View Post
                          1. While it's easy to say that "The attackers were using outdated Napoleonic tactics that were useless against rifle-muskets" one should also consider that just maybe the defenders were using Napoleonic tactics as well. The tactics of defense called for a reservation of fire until very close range, so that the massive volly would cause the greatest amount of shock to the enemy. How often do we read about units holding their fire until the enemy closed the distance to less than 100 yards? I have read many accounts like that.
                          But is the fault of the weapon or the officer controlling the fire? It's the officer's fault not the weapon's. And what about those officers who didn't wait or who allowed independent fire?

                          I'm not saying every officer took advantage of the weapons capabilities. Many of them were too stupid or book bound to do so.

                          However there were a significant number of officers (Longstreet as a counter-puncher is a good example) who understood the increase in defensive firepower and took advantage of it.

                          The simple fact is that the rifled musket had: Increased long range accuracy over the smoothbore and increased killing power at the longer range.

                          It did not have a significantly increased rate of fire. So the volume of lead was not any greater, yet the rifled musket became the most significant wound inflictor on the battlefield.

                          A distinction the smoothbore had never had.

                          Originally posted by blackhattertuck View Post
                          2. For a man to kill an enemy with a rifle-musket at 500-200 yards, he has to be a fairly well-trained shot. We have all read about the paucity of training given to recruits with respect to live-fire excercises, and when one takes into consideration the powerful physiological reactions that accompany combat, it seems wrong to expect accurate shooting from a citizen-soldier. This consideration would lessen somewhat as a unit gained battlefield experience, however..
                          This point would only be significant if individual targeting was required. It wasn't as the assaulting forces were still using mass formations. Therefore the defender did not have to pickout an individual target to kill at a longer range. He only had to aim at a very LARGE target and throw the lead down range to be effective.

                          Again the smootbore was used against a large target (like the rifled musket) but was only effective at a much closer range. Therefore the number of rounds thrown down range were fewer in number because the opponent was much closer when the firing started. And able to push on in to decide the issue with the bayonet (again something that doesn't appear to have been significant during the CW according to medical records).

                          I think a point being over looked here is the large number of references to CW units either running out of ammo or coming very close to it. You really don't hear about this kind of trouble during the smoothbore age.

                          They would only do that because they were getting off a significantly greater number of rounds than a smoothbore unit was. They could only do that by either (effectively) engaging attacking units at greater range or being so effective at short range that they shot the assaulting unit to pieces.

                          Something previously done by artillery.

                          Originally posted by blackhattertuck View Post
                          3. Black powder smoke from a few massed volleys would soon create a thick screen that masked the enemy from view. If you can't see your target, you might as well have a smoothbore in your hands.
                          Again this would only apply to individual targets not large formations easily identifiable.
                          Bob Sandusky
                          Co C 125th NYSVI
                          Esperance, NY

                          Comment


                          • #14
                            Re: Effective Tactics

                            An interesting work I recently read on the subject of tactical innovation was Shock Troops of the Confederacy, about the ANV sharpshooter battalions. The thesis was that the ANV developed specialized light infantry and skirmisher units drawn from across a brigade, consisting of the best and most motivated troops to perform duties that the regular line units were ineffective at. The term "sharpshooter' during the war is roughly equivalent to today's Army Rangers or Marine Force Recon, men chosen for superior initiatve, physical endurance, and marksmanship. The author contends by late '64 they constituted the only real offensive power the ANV could rely on.
                            Eric Alan Wisbith
                            63d P.V./ Yard Apes Mess

                            Comment


                            • #15
                              Re: Effective Tactics

                              Originally posted by KyCavMajor View Post
                              Nosworthy compared European battles of the period, and guess what? That stats hold up.
                              Of course there are statistical anomalies, some fights that were the exceptions to the rule, but by and large, the numbers hold up.
                              He gives many good reasons for this poor shooting, nerves no doubt, and the fact is most soldiers were poor shots with little training. It was found any rise or fall in the topography of the field played heck with accuracy.
                              The truth is, the staggering casualties of the Civil War are mostly due to the massive volume of fire into tightly packed ranks rather than improved accuracy in more modern firearms. The rifle was no doubt more accurate in trained hands under ideal conditions, but in the hands of a typical soldier, under brutal combat conditions, it just wasn't that accurate.
                              One of the things that Lieutenant Bigelow talks about in his article is the distribution of casualties among units in an action. Kevin's post about Cold Harbor also bears on this. Bigelow uses examples from the Franco-Prussian War to illustrate that the heaviest casualties are at the "critical points" in the action. When a field commander decides that a certain location is critical to accomplishing his mission/objective, he will mass force against it. If the opposing field commander decides the same thing, he will also mass force there. The result is a hornet's nest (to use the polite 19th century term). This is exactly what NATO was expecting in any action against Soviet forces in the 1980. For example, NATO intel predicted over 100 Soviet gun tubes per square kilometer during Soviet assaults. If NATO expected to stop a Soviet advance, they had to be able to literally carpet the ground with knocked out equipment. Remember some of the photos from the first Gulf War?

                              There is no doubt that field commanders incorrectly identified critical points. There is no doubt that they mismanaged the concentration of force. There is no doubt that they failed to recognize when a stalled assault had gone past the point where it could be recovered. But none of that invalidates the doctrine of concentrating mass at critical points or the tactics for maneuvering units or delivering fire and shock. The one big difference that shows up between Civil War tactics and European tactics in the 1860s and 1870s is that Americans tended to deploy into their fighting formations out of range. Europeans tended to wait until they were under fire to switch from maneuver formations into fighting formations. They included this principle into their doctrine. For example, Prussian doctrine when advancing to contact was to put the artillery at the head column. The artillery could deploy into battery faster than infantry and hold off the enemy while the rest of the column came up. I think that a lot of Buford's success at slowing up the Confederate advance along the Chambersburg Pike on the first day of Gettysburg is due to a similar aggressive use of horse artillery.

                              Speaking of high volumes of fire into compact masses, one of the things that happens to Picket's attack on the third day of Gettysburg is that the federal infantry near the angle has been collecting abandoned muskets left from the fighting on the second day. They load them with buck and ball and lean them against the wall. A lot of the men have 12 preloaded guns. When the Confederates get to 50 yards they get hit with a hail of fire from men who aren't bothering to reload. That's a cute trick, but it only works for about a minute. The development of reliable, magazine-fed rifles allows the "Mad Minute" to become a standard tactic, but that's 20 years in the future.

                              Regards,

                              Paul Kenworthy

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