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I've been doing a bit of research on central Illinois newspaper editorials on the prospects of disunion during the period between Lincoln's election to the South Carolina secession convention voting itself out of the Union. It's an interesting evolution from outright dismissal of the notion as spawning from the minds of a few malcontents to warnings of the consequences of a seemingly more certain secession of southern states. Anyway, here's a couple for your enjoyment.
Central Illinois Gazette [Champaign, Illinois], November 14, 1860
Disunion.
The attention of the whole country is now attracted to the insane movements of a portion of the ultra-secessionist party of the south. It would seem that, in very shame for their past tremendous boastings and cowardly small performances, they were now determined to do something, if only to raise a cloud of dust, under cover of which they may safely retire from the unpleasant position in which the adverse result of the campaign has placed them. No doubt many of these men are excited beyond all control, and are nearly, if not quite, ready to brave civil war and all its evils rather than submit to a Republican President. In a nation of reasonably clear-headed men, however, the out and out fools must necessarily be in a bad minority at any given time, and the world therefore regards with few emotions of dread the movements of these “out-and-outers.”
There are several reasons why the South or any considerable portion of it, will not secede at the present time. In the first place, there is no feature in the present position of the Republican or any other party which constitutes a good reason why the states in question should even be alarmed for their “peculiar institution.” They cannot possibly justify themselves in the eyes of the civilized world for such a step, and if any one truth has been made clearer than another by the events of this century it is that no great national movement can hope to reach a successful termination, unless it can secure the favorable public opinion of civilized men. Moreover, the thinking portion of the politicians of the south must soon awake to the following important features in the position in which they would be placed by the position in which they would be placed by the proposed movement: So far from being better able to protect the institution of slavery under a southern confederacy, they would lose at one blow all the powerful protection which the central government has thus far extended, and even the most distant plantations would be at the mercy of the John Browns of the extreme Abolition party of the north. Under the existing state of affairs the institution of slavery has been extended over territory after territory, and the additions to its domain have been almost constant, but no further territorial aggrandizement could be hoped for by a people only too painful conscious of their inability to retain in safety that which they already possessed. To those who look at the matter from a northern stand-point, nothing seems clearer than that dissolution of the Union would inevitably give the death blow to slavery in every one of the present slave states. These arguments become when we consider the impossibility of such a consummation and bear in mind the fact that the seceding states can only “get up for themselves,” if at all, after a long and exhausting war, which would only fail to leave them in debt because no one would be foolish enough to lend them anything. We do not care to dwell much upon the necessary accompanying horrors of such a warfare, because we consider it an impossible occurrence, and because such discussion by northern journals in misconstrued by our southern brethren.
In view of these things, taking into account the well known ability and acumen of southern statesmen, we cannot believe that they would precipitate themselves, their several sates, and their beloved “institutions,” upon certain ruin. There will of course be much bluster and a vast deal of speechifying in favor of the most valiant resolutions, but they will finally subside into the consoling meditation that President Lincoln, unsupported by a majority in either branch of the national legislation, could not harm the south if he would, and very likely would not if he could.
Illinois Daily State Journal [Springfield, Illinois] December 20, 1860
The Union, It Must Be Preserved
There are not a few who seem to think that the Union will be dissolved whenever the South Carolina Secession Convention passes a resolution to that effect. The Union cannot be dissolved by the passage of resolutions. South Carolina may resolve that she is no longer a part of this Union. She may hold secession meetings, mount disunion cockades, plant palmetto trees, make palmetto flags, trample under foot the glorious flag of our country, and proclaim from the housetops her treason and her shame, but all this will not dissolve the Union. She may compel her citizens to resign official place held under the Federal Government—she may close her courts and post offices, and put her own people to a great deal of inconvenience and trouble, but she will still be in the Union, unmolested. She cannot get out of this Union until she conquers this Government. The revenues must and will be collected at her ports, and any resistance on her part will lead to war. At the close of that war we can tell with certainty whether she [is] in or out of the Union. While this Government endures there can be no disunion. If South Carolina does not obstruct the collection of the revenue at her ports nor violate any other Federal law, there will be no trouble, and she will not be out of the Union. If she violates the laws, then comes the tug of war. The President of the United States, in such an emergency, has a plain duty to perform. Buchanan may shirk it, or the emergency may not exist during his administration. If not, then the Union will last through his term of office. If the overt act, on the part of South Carolina takes place on, or after the 1st of March, 1861, then the duty of executing the laws will devolve upon Mr. Lincoln. The laws of the United States must be executed—the President has no discretionary power on the subject—his duty is emphatically pronounced in the Constitution. Mr. Lincoln will perform that duty. Disunion, by armed force, is TREASON, and treason must and will be put down at all hazards. This Union is not, will not, and cannot be dissolved until this Government is overthrown by the traitors who have raised the disunion flag. Can they overthrow it? We think not. “They may disturb its peace—they may interrupt the course of its prosperity—they may cloud its reputation for stability—but its tranquil[l]ity will be restored, its prosperity will return, and the stain upon its National character will be transferred and remain an eternal blot on the memory of those who caused the disorder.” Let the secessionists understand it—let the press proclaim it—let it fly on the wings of the lightning, and fall like a thunder bolt among those now plotting treason in Convention, that the Republican party, that the great North, aided by hundreds of thousands of patriotic men in the slave States, have determined to preserve the Union—peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must.
Central Illinois Gazette [Champaign, Illinois], November 14, 1860
Disunion.
The attention of the whole country is now attracted to the insane movements of a portion of the ultra-secessionist party of the south. It would seem that, in very shame for their past tremendous boastings and cowardly small performances, they were now determined to do something, if only to raise a cloud of dust, under cover of which they may safely retire from the unpleasant position in which the adverse result of the campaign has placed them. No doubt many of these men are excited beyond all control, and are nearly, if not quite, ready to brave civil war and all its evils rather than submit to a Republican President. In a nation of reasonably clear-headed men, however, the out and out fools must necessarily be in a bad minority at any given time, and the world therefore regards with few emotions of dread the movements of these “out-and-outers.”
There are several reasons why the South or any considerable portion of it, will not secede at the present time. In the first place, there is no feature in the present position of the Republican or any other party which constitutes a good reason why the states in question should even be alarmed for their “peculiar institution.” They cannot possibly justify themselves in the eyes of the civilized world for such a step, and if any one truth has been made clearer than another by the events of this century it is that no great national movement can hope to reach a successful termination, unless it can secure the favorable public opinion of civilized men. Moreover, the thinking portion of the politicians of the south must soon awake to the following important features in the position in which they would be placed by the position in which they would be placed by the proposed movement: So far from being better able to protect the institution of slavery under a southern confederacy, they would lose at one blow all the powerful protection which the central government has thus far extended, and even the most distant plantations would be at the mercy of the John Browns of the extreme Abolition party of the north. Under the existing state of affairs the institution of slavery has been extended over territory after territory, and the additions to its domain have been almost constant, but no further territorial aggrandizement could be hoped for by a people only too painful conscious of their inability to retain in safety that which they already possessed. To those who look at the matter from a northern stand-point, nothing seems clearer than that dissolution of the Union would inevitably give the death blow to slavery in every one of the present slave states. These arguments become when we consider the impossibility of such a consummation and bear in mind the fact that the seceding states can only “get up for themselves,” if at all, after a long and exhausting war, which would only fail to leave them in debt because no one would be foolish enough to lend them anything. We do not care to dwell much upon the necessary accompanying horrors of such a warfare, because we consider it an impossible occurrence, and because such discussion by northern journals in misconstrued by our southern brethren.
In view of these things, taking into account the well known ability and acumen of southern statesmen, we cannot believe that they would precipitate themselves, their several sates, and their beloved “institutions,” upon certain ruin. There will of course be much bluster and a vast deal of speechifying in favor of the most valiant resolutions, but they will finally subside into the consoling meditation that President Lincoln, unsupported by a majority in either branch of the national legislation, could not harm the south if he would, and very likely would not if he could.
Illinois Daily State Journal [Springfield, Illinois] December 20, 1860
The Union, It Must Be Preserved
There are not a few who seem to think that the Union will be dissolved whenever the South Carolina Secession Convention passes a resolution to that effect. The Union cannot be dissolved by the passage of resolutions. South Carolina may resolve that she is no longer a part of this Union. She may hold secession meetings, mount disunion cockades, plant palmetto trees, make palmetto flags, trample under foot the glorious flag of our country, and proclaim from the housetops her treason and her shame, but all this will not dissolve the Union. She may compel her citizens to resign official place held under the Federal Government—she may close her courts and post offices, and put her own people to a great deal of inconvenience and trouble, but she will still be in the Union, unmolested. She cannot get out of this Union until she conquers this Government. The revenues must and will be collected at her ports, and any resistance on her part will lead to war. At the close of that war we can tell with certainty whether she [is] in or out of the Union. While this Government endures there can be no disunion. If South Carolina does not obstruct the collection of the revenue at her ports nor violate any other Federal law, there will be no trouble, and she will not be out of the Union. If she violates the laws, then comes the tug of war. The President of the United States, in such an emergency, has a plain duty to perform. Buchanan may shirk it, or the emergency may not exist during his administration. If not, then the Union will last through his term of office. If the overt act, on the part of South Carolina takes place on, or after the 1st of March, 1861, then the duty of executing the laws will devolve upon Mr. Lincoln. The laws of the United States must be executed—the President has no discretionary power on the subject—his duty is emphatically pronounced in the Constitution. Mr. Lincoln will perform that duty. Disunion, by armed force, is TREASON, and treason must and will be put down at all hazards. This Union is not, will not, and cannot be dissolved until this Government is overthrown by the traitors who have raised the disunion flag. Can they overthrow it? We think not. “They may disturb its peace—they may interrupt the course of its prosperity—they may cloud its reputation for stability—but its tranquil[l]ity will be restored, its prosperity will return, and the stain upon its National character will be transferred and remain an eternal blot on the memory of those who caused the disorder.” Let the secessionists understand it—let the press proclaim it—let it fly on the wings of the lightning, and fall like a thunder bolt among those now plotting treason in Convention, that the Republican party, that the great North, aided by hundreds of thousands of patriotic men in the slave States, have determined to preserve the Union—peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must.
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