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The following is posted here with the permission of the author, Philip B. Hatfield. Please do not reproduce this article without out his expressed written consent.
4th North Carolina Infantry at the Battle of Seven Pines:
“A Victory, but Dearly Bought”
By: Philip B. Hatfield, Ph.D.
Member, Company of Military Historians
In late May 1862, the Army of the Potomac was literally fighting it’s way up the Virginia Peninsula toward Richmond. Intense battles at Yorktown and Williamsburg failed to stop the Army of the Potomac, commanded by Major General George B. McClellan. The confederates under General Joseph Johnston were falling back toward Richmond. As the two armies converged on Richmond, Tar Heels under General Daniel Harvey Hill were preparing for what would be their first full engagement, and suffering intense discipline as well as harsh environmental conditions. As Sgt Ashbel Fraley1 of company F, 4th North Carolina Infantry and his comrades marched toward Richmond following battles at Williamsburg and Yorktown, he daily made time to express his blithe yet humorous views on superior officer, campaign and army life in general in his diary. Beginning on May 5 1862, he wrote in his diary:
May 5 Attempt to leave camp and continue our march. Raining. The road is blocked with the trains of wagons OBS. A marching army is a mass of the grandest confusion I ever saw.
Battle of Williamsburg, 4th N.C. - After marching four miles through mud and rain were ordered back to the fight, were not actively engaged.
May 22 Brigade Drill. Regular humbug! Intolerable nuisance. It’s general uses.
(1) To keep the men from enjoying a little rest, which they so much need.
(2) To take out the sick men that the surgeon alway refuses to excuse from duty (tho’ they are scarcely able to walk) that our Cols & Gen’s may have the gratification of seeing them faint and fall in the boiling sun.
(3) To make the men careless in drill that the officers may have the pleasure of speaking to them as to Negroes.
(4) To exasperate the men beyond the endurance of patience, and they may curse and swear so the Devil will reap the greater harvest in eternity.
(5) That the Gen and his aides may show their uniform suits; and (tho’ they know it not) their ignorance,
“O wadsome powder the gift to gi’ us,
Tocorusel’ or sell as others see us;
It would from many a blunder free us,
And foolish notion.”
Another 4th N.C. soldier, Private Joseph F. Gibson, wrote to his parents on May 23rd after having been seriously ill, also complaining of the trials of the march to Richmond. The letter elsewhere indicates that their knapsacks had been stored on wagons originally:
“…This is marching back and forwards I can’t tell how long this will last I hope it may not last long I hope…This marching through the mud this is no fun in it certain and sure. We haven’t any tents now our blankets is all the shelter now…the roads was so muddy that they had to throw the knapsacks out…”
On May 29th Sgt. Fraley indicates he would not have missed his knapsack:
“…By some fool command we carry our knapsacks with us -- it is seldome that a sensible order comes round. Yet one did last night, - - That was to leave our knapsacks in Camp and go unencumbered. But the discovery was made (unfortunately) that it was sensible, and revoked this morning.”
On Friday night, May 30, a violent thunderstorm suddenly hit the area turning the river and into wildly rushing water and roads into a muddy mess. McClellan’s army separated as a result, although two Federal Corps, that of Major General Samuel P. Heintzelman’s III Corps and Major General Erasmus Darwin Keyes’ IV Corps managed to cross the river and establish a line of earthworks and abatis near the village of Seven Pines. The federal works extended northeast toward Fair Oaks about one mile north of Seven Pines on the Richmond and York River Railroad.3 The stage was now set for the much awaited fight for Richmond. Johnston’s four Confederate infantry columns encountered Union pickets along the Williamsburg Road early on May 31st, near the crossing of 9 Mile and Richmond Roads at a small village known as Seven Pines. The complex and risky battle orders were given verbally, and as a result quickly disintegrated according to Newton (1993). During the morning of May 31st General James Longstreet, instead of using the Nine Mile Road as ordered, moved his division down the Williamsburg road, which had been assigned to support D. H. Hill’s and General Benjamin Huger’s divisions. The 4th North Carolina Infantry were assigned to the brigade commanded by Brigadier General Albert Featherston, who had been stricken with an illness a few days before, and subsequently Colonel George B. Anderson was placed in command of the brigade under D. H. Hill. Union picket lines extended approximately three-quarters of a mile along the Williamsburg road toward Richmond from Seven Pines. General Joe Johnston wanted attack the Federals while they were separated, and hence limited to Corps strength. He placed D.H. Hill’s division at the spearhead of the attack in line of battle along the Williamsburg road. However, D.H. Hill’s division stood on arms from approximately 8 a.m. until almost 1 p.m. without firing a shot, listening while the battle began to pitch.
The delay was related to a dispute occurring between James Longstreet and General Huger over who had seniority.4 Concerned that further delays would impair the Confederate attack, Hill decided to attack just after 1 p.m., and the confederates quickly drove in federal skirmish lines along the Williamsburg Road. D.H. Hill’s division was first in the line of battle. He struck Keyes’ positions, unsupported by Longstreet who would not arrive until later. Sgt Ashbel Fraley described his experience in the May 31, 1862 in a rather fragmented entry in his diary, speaking of frantic conditions on the field when the battle opened, and the results:
“Aroused before daylight and all are prepared to march. Move back and to the left one or two miles. Stack arms in the woods. But soon receive orders to prepare to go into battle. Made password “our homes” response “our firesides” Leave our knapsacks in the woods March toward the picket lines Firing commences See the Stars and Stripes. Run through the advance attacking battalion. Charge the enemy’s battery. Terrific struggle. And hit with a ball but not much hurt Keep with the Company. Dreadful slaughter. Reg falls back. Rally again. Advance with 5th Ala. Battery taken. Continue to advance. Yankee’s shoot close. Captain Simonton killed. Fall back. Night closes on. Only 54 men present with coulors. Night comes in. Go to carry up the wounded. Are engaged till near midnight. Try to find my way back to camp but fail. Made a fire and sleep by the roadside. A victory, but dearly bought.”
Map of D.H. Hill’s Division’s 1 pm assault
Major Brian Grimes was in command of the 4th N.C. at Seven Pines.5 The regiment was on the brigade’s right front and had moved far in front of the other regiments in Colonel Anderson’s Brigade (49th VA, 28th GA, 27th GA) in the initial assault. Navigating the terrain was difficult, if not impossible; the fields around Seven Pines village were now mud bogs and covered with thick growths of trees. Recent rains had left large puddles, in some places with waist-deep water.6
In spite of the delays and confusion over orders, the 4th N.C. regiment ‘saw the elephant’ in its first full advance as a “splendid picture of manhood” according to Captain E.A. Osborne.6 However, shortly afterward moving forward, the 4th N.C. began to suffer casualties from enfilading Federal artillery from a battery concealed behind strong works just to the left of the Williamsburg road. Not far in front of this strong redoubt was a tangled line of abatis where Casey’s Federal Division was dug in. Major Grimes noted the terrain made it difficult to manage the alignment of the regiment.5 Soldiers in the 4th
N.C. could hear the battle pitching to their right, and Captain Osbourn described “heavy musketry on the right indicated that the battle was raging there with terrible fury.”6 When the 4th N.C. advanced ahead of the supporting brigade on the right, Federal artillery and musket fire began to exact heavy casualty tolls on the regiment. While waiting for supporting brigades to move up, Grimes managed to briefly move the regiment inside a small body of woods giving the 4th N.C. time to realign. However, the heavy Federal artillery redoubt with supporting infantry regiments assisted them approximately one-half mile on their right front. This earth work was the center of the Federal line, and flanked on both wings by infantry concealed in extensive earthworks and protected by abatis in front.
Footnote: Abatis were felled trees with branches shaved one to three feet or more and sharpened, then one end was stuck in the ground, with the other end protruding outward. The purpose was to delay advancing infantry as much as possible.
Private S.A. Hoover,7 of Company C, recalled the scene in his post-war recollections:
“…The next day was the battle of Seven Pines - there we met the Yankee’s behind their breastworks - we had to charge their batteries through a piece of cut down forest, which was cut and thrown in every direction. The limbs cut off from two to four feet from body of trees in order to keep us from advancing rapidly, so they would have a better chance to cut us down, but we got through that thicket and got their battery but lost lots of good men…lay on battlefield all that night. My brother John was mortally wounded the same day and died the next day. He and I were taken to the field hospital the next morning and then to the railroad station where they loaded us on the cars and took us up to Richmond hospital…My clothing was so thoroughly saturated with blood they asked me if I was a Yankee or a Southerner. I was taken to hospital at Richmond, lay there two months.”
As Major Grimes advanced the 4th N.C. toward the Federal position at the right oblique under intense fire, they quickly stepped from the woods. Corporal B.B. Ross,8 Company I, 4th N.C. wrote about his experience during this part of the advance:
“When we were marching to Seven Pines we passed through a huckleberry pond. The woods was thick, and water was half a leg deep. While in the midst of this pond a shell exploded over us and cut the calf of one leg off, and tore the other ankle into pieces of Raleigh Rowe in our company. The piece went through the hat of Tom Crawford and tore the skin on top of his head. Another piece knocked the bugle off Lient. Creekmur’s hat. The Captain told me to pull Raleigh Rowe out of the water, and make him as comfortable as possible. By the time I had ministered to Rowe, the Company had left me and I had to go through the pond alone. In going through, the cannon balls were striking in water all around me, spattering mud in my face. I rushed forward, trying to catch up with the Company, but did not catch them until they had got in front of the breastworks.”
Foot note: Lt. Creekmur is a misspelling – Corporal Ross is likely referring to 1st Lt. Willam Coughenour.
Lt W.C. Coughenour, Company K (Rowan Rifles) mentioned by Corporal Ross, would soon be sent home for convalesce following his wounds received at Seven Pines. The Carolina Watchman9 back home in Rowan County North Carolina reported on September 8, 1862 the following humorous account of an accident he apparently suffered while on medical leave following Seven Pines, suggesting things at home could be equally dangerous as things on the front:
“Captain Coughenhour recovered after a fall from a second story window at Morganton.”
Foot Note: Nothing was cited as to why Lt. Coughenhour was perched in that window.
Corporal Ross’s participation in the action was not over yet. He further wrote:
“…In Seven Pines battle I was within twenty yards of the breastworks when I was struck in my left breast. I had on my overcoat with twentyrounds of cartridges in my left breast-pocket. The ball went through all of these, into my uniform coat - pocket, and made holes through about 20 letters in my coat, several holes in my handkerchief in that pocket and lodged in there. When I regained consciousness, I felt that death would claim me in a few minutes, for I was sure the ball had gone through me. Our company was ordered to fall back, but I remained where I was to die. But after seeing the havock played in our regiment when they did fall back - as many killed as when going forward, for the Yankees kept “pouring it into them,” and out of fifty-two men and officers and Company I, 30 were killed or wounded - I concluded to move if possible. I slipped over the fence out of the field, and got behind a stump. There was wounded Yankee behind the stump, so I got at his feet. While I was lying there, a cannon ball struck the stump in front of us, split it open, blew it up, and stuck the top end in the ground, one piece about six inches from me on one side, and about one foot off on the other side. The Yankee whose ankle was broken, crawled to another stump, but I, seeing the uselessness of the stump, remained where I was. While lying there, I summed up courage to examine my wound, and found that the ball, which I thought had gone through my side, had lodged in my pocket. My side was badly bruised but I felt relief to find the bullet, and although I was suffering dreadfully, I went into camp.”
During the initial advance of the 4th N.C., the original color bearer, 1st Cpl James Bowers of Company K (Rowan Rifles) was killed while holding the flag in his hand.9 As he lay dying, he told a comrade to be sure and “…Tell Mr. Brunner that I died with my face to the enemy.” Ironically, Bowers enlisted on May 30, 1861 and was killed a year and one day later on May 31, 1862 at Seven Pines.10 The Carolina Watchmen reported the following regarding James Bower’s death:
“James Bowers (CO K) printer’s devil for the Watchman, killed at battle of Richmond. He had responded to the call of Gov Ellis and went with the Rowan Rifles guard to Wilmington on April 21, 1861, when the CO was invited to vol for three years or the war, he was the first to step forth. He performed his duty faithfully with us and regularly wrote us letters from the front.”
Foot Note: Printers Devil was a nickname for apprentice. Bowers had worked for a Mr. Brunner at the print shop.
With Bower’s death, another color bearer quickly picked up the flag. No available sources consistently identify of this color bearer, although he too quickly fell only to be followed by yet another new color bearer who also soon fell in only minutes.6
Once the regiment advanced out into the open field, Major Grimes discovered yet another artillery section had opened on his left wing and they subsequently continued to suffer heavy casualties due to being entangled by abatis, unable to consistently return fire. Major Grimes described the battle field as a “muddy plowed field miring the men ankle deep at nearly every step…”4 Finally, the Georgians and Virginia regiments had managed to catch up, and Grimes ordered the Tar Heels forward. At this point, the 4th N.C. had its first experience of returning mass (volley) fire to the Federals. Captain E.A. Osbourn wrote:
“…Opened fire upon the enemy with such deadly effect as the cause a momentary lull in the storm of deadly missiles that were assailing us…but again the enemy renewed his fire with redoubled fury.” 6
Onward the 4th N.C. advanced until they encountered a small rail fence where they briefly halted to await support on the right.5 Unfortunately, support never came up, and their position was continually exposed. Captain Osbourn noted, “It was evident that the regiment could not remain there without being utterly destroyed.” He saw Major Grimes “sitting calmly on his iron-gray horse, with one leg thrown over the saddle bow, as afterwards so often seen on the battlefield.” He later described Lt Col Grimes as appearing as “an angel of war” sitting on his horse.6 Finally, Osbourn approached Grimes and insisted that he order a charge; he shouted over the din of battle “Major, we cant stand this. Let us charge the works!” Grimes responded, “Charge them! Charge them!”
Newton (1993) has recently opined that when E.A. Osborn spied Lt Col Grimes sitting on his horse, and described him as appearing to be “an angel of war” the reality may have been that possibly, Grimes was simply wondering just what to do next. He would later gain quite a reputation as a fighter and battlefield tactician, rising to become the last Major General appointed in the Army of Northern Virginia in 1865.4 But Seven Pines was his first real attack, and Grimes, a lawyer rather a soldier by training, was hardly a seasoned officer. Sitting calmly on his horse may well have been as much as he could think of to do.
The North Carolinians advanced to within roughly 100 yards of the Federal redoubt when Major Grime’s horse was shot out from under him, sending him tumbling to the ground. For a while, he was literally buried under the horse, whose head was torn off by a Federal artillery projectile.5 Grimes described to his wife later that “The regiment seeing me fall, supposed killed for wounded, and began to falter and waiver…I …waived my sword and shouted “Forward! Forward!” and the regiment moved forward.”
Major Grimes further stated, “Some of the men came to my assistance and pulled the horse off”(p. 14). Not far away, Second Lieutenant R.D. Funkhouser of the Virginia regiment was watching Grimes, who after having his horse removed from him, quickly jumped up and grabbed the regimental flag and began waving it to motivate the men.
Fearing that Grimes would be targeted while waving the flag, the lieutenant yelled “Let me carry the flag!” only to hear Grimes retort “Lieutenant, your life is worth as much as mine”10
Somewhat disoriented now, Grimes continued to observe the assault from behind the regiment, which had now gotten between 30 or 40 yards of the redoubt. Federal fire intensified until the regiment was unable to advance further. The regiment remained unsupported on both flanks when Grimes realized “We were two hundred yards in advance of any other regiment.”11
Major Grimes further reported in the official records that after fighting in the exposed position for several minutes, he decided to order the men to fall back toward “a ditch midway between the redoubt and entangled woods.” However, as the regiment began to retire in reasonably good order, the color bearer apparently became confused by Grimes orders and fell back all the way to the previous line of abatis. As men in the ditch (which afforded some cover) began to follow the flag to the rear, Grimes ordered the regiment to halt now approximately 250 yards from the Federal line.4 Grimes described the casualties:
"As in evidence of the severity of thefire of the enemy while in front of the battery 46 of my men were found killed within an area of one acre.”11 Although the Confederates did not yet realize it, many of the inexperienced Federal regiments from New York and Pennsylvania as well as the artillerists were already beginning to withdraw from the redoubt.3 The North Carolinians were generally psychologically shaken and nearly physically exhausted by this point. However, while taking cover in the ditch, 4th N.C. soldiers witnessed a Confederate battery open fire into the Federal lines which bolstered their courage, and Grimes debated what to do next.
Captain E.A. Osborn described scene when Major Grimes suddenly ordered the 4th N.C. to charge into the federal redoubt from the ditch:
“On we rushed with such impetuosity and determination that the enemy abandoned everything and retired.”6
Grimes described yet another dramatic event occurring in the charge:
“After allowing my men time to recover from their fatigue,…just then I saw my third color-bearer shot down. Captain Simonton (sic A.K. Simonton of Company A) and myself to raise the colors. Captain Simonton reaching them first, placed them in my hands, raising them aloft, calling upon my men to rally around their standard. It was done with alacrity, and together with several other regiments, we reached the redoubt, the enemy fleeing.”11
During this final assault on the enemy redoubt, Captain A.K. Simonton, who had held the 4th N.C. colors in the ditch, was killed instantly, and Captain James H. Wood of Company B was seriously wounded among many others. Major Grimes also described the earlier counter attack as “a fearful storm of shot, shell, grape and canister…(which) tore through the trees, plowing up the ground of every side and cutting down the branches and saplings around us.”11
Private James H. Carter,12 Company C, wrote to his father regarding the fate of the 4th N.C. flag in the battle: Preceeding camp 4 N.C.S Troops near Richmond,VA
My Dear Father,
Under very unfavorable surcustances I am trying to drop you a few lines. We the 4 N.C. attacted the Yankeys the last day of May and had a very hard faught battle. Our flag was shot down four time but was picked up and carried in the Yankey batery waving though the staf was broken by a bum shel and the flag shot to pieces.
During this second assault on the Federal redoubt, Captain Osborn observed the ground was “literally covered” with the dead and wounded of the 4th N.C. Following the battle, Major Grimes John Stikeleather,13 Company C, requested to become the new color bearer of the 4th Regiment. John Stikeleather would carry the 4th N.C. colors for the duration of the war without being seriously wounded, although he was struck in the right shoulder with a spent Minnie ball at Chancellorsville a year later. He attributed his safe return to his conversion to Christianity during the war. He surrendered at Appomattox in April, 1865 and took the oath of allegiance. Stikeleather wrote a through post war account of his experiences, including his experience at Seven Pines:
“My own experience in that terrible fight, briefly stated, may not be out of place at this time. As we approached the field of carnage, and the bullets began to whistle around us, and the cannon balls commenced plowing through our ranks, and an occasional wounded soldier passed us going to the rear, our feelings can be better imagined than described. I confess I did not feel sure whether I could stand the test or not, but, just at this juncture, and incident occurred that helped me along wonderfully, and I have often felt thankful since that it did occur just when it did. The incident was this; among the wounded wending this way to the rear was a Georgia boy probably not more than 16 years old, slightly wounded in the arm, boo-hooing right out. Someone near me called to him and asked how the fight was going. His reply between his cries and sobs was “They are whipping us like hell.” Evidently, he was badly whipped. There was something so ludicrous in his manner that I immediately responded thus, that may do for woman or a child, but not for a man, whereupon I gave my courage another twist, and kept moving to the front. I received no hurt in the battle, but had my cap box shot off, and passing a wounded Yankee soldier just after I discovered its loss asked him to give me his. The poor fellow said “Take it, I am too badly wounded to give it to you.” No one but those who have been there knows the gratitude that wells up in the heart of a soldier at this escape unhurt form battle…”
Ironically, except for Stikeleather, the 4th N.C. color guard would once again be all killed or wounded at Chancellorsville. Another 4th N.C. member, William R. Gorman,14 served as a stretcher bearer since he was a member of the 4th North Carolina Brass Band.
He left a chilling account of the battlefield after the firing had ceased, written a few weeks later in his diary:
June 28, 1862 About four o’clock on Saturday we found the hospital of D.H. Hills division. Though I had my feelings wrought up to a high pitch, looking on the mutilated dead, on those bloody fields; yet that feeling was nothing compared to what I saw and heard, when I saw the wounded, and heard the dying groans of those devoted braves. I shudder while I write about it. I am going to tell you a tale of horror which was true, and may God forbid that I ever have to witness the like again! …The dead, none being there to bury them, lay among the suffering and dying, form which arose the most sickening stench. Their lifeless bodies were almost in motion with the myriad maggots that infested them. Oh! It was horrible! Too awful to think about. Nor is this all. I myself did a task there that makes my flesh crawl to think of. A man from Company C, 4th Regiment, told me something hurt him under his arm. He was shot through the right breast, breaking his collor bone. When I looked, horror of horrors! One thousand maggots were working there. I borrowed a pair of scissors and went to work, and it took me half an hour to remove them. Such a grateful look did he give me that I could have done anything. Those three days were days of horror -- a “reign of terror” indeed. Our regiment only lost about 60 killed and wounded. One of the killed in that Company, a fine young man, Paul Barger, gave me his pocketbook before we started, stating that possibly he might be killed and he did not want a to have his money. That was the last I ever saw of him.
After the battle, Col George B. Anderson pulled his brigade back from the Federal redoubt and began to reorganize in a small clearing located near the Williamsburg road. The evening roll call reflected 54 men present, and the entire color guard had been killed or wounded, including the entire color guard.11 That night the men of the 4th N.C. slept on arms laying on the ground, “surrounded by dead and wounded , both men and animals” while the air was filled with cries and groans of the wounded and dying.5
The next day, June 1, 1862, fighting again commenced at nearby Fair Oaks Station, approximately one mile from Seven Pines. General Joe Johnston was severely wounded on the 31st and replaced by Robert E. Lee on June 1st. Major Grimes managed to get to a telegraph station that day and informed his brother William that he was unhurt on the 31st, and mentioned the 4th N.C. battle flag was “shot 32 times” at Seven Pines.15
The 4th N.C. were not actively engaged during the fighting at Fair Oaks on June 1, 1862. The battle of Seven Pines literally “shattered” the 4th N.C., who entered the battle with 25 officers and 520 non-commissioned officers and men, only to end with every officer except Grimes was killed or wounded, 462 killed and wounded, (77 were killed on the field) and 99 men mortally wounded, with the last casualty passing away before the end of July later that summer.4,11 This amounts to roughly 89 percent of those engaged with six officially listed as missing.16 The 4th N.C. is believed by some researchers to have suffered the highest percentage loss in a single battle of any regiment in the war on either side.4 Whether the statistics are complete or not, these staggering losses at Seven Pines earned the regiment the grim sobriquet “Bloody 4th.” 6 Truly “A Victory, but Dearly bought.”1
EPILOGUE
After the battle, 46 dead solders from the 4th N.C. Regiment were removed from a one-acre trench in front of the Federal artillery redoubt as reported by Lt Col Grimes in the official records, to an unknown site along the Williamsburg Road. Perhaps the most stirring and fitting conclusion to the story of the 4th North Carolina at the Battle of Seven Pines is provided by Sgt Ashbel Fraley, who would later be promoted to Second Lieutenant. On July 2, 1862 he made the following entry in his diary:
“After finishing our labours, we proceed toward Richmond and pass the battlefield of Seven Pines. We were marching right in front. When opposite the graves of those of our regiment who fell there the Col gave the command, “On the right by file into line -- march!” I was inwardly cursing him for his awkwardness in placing the markers, when the evolution was completed, as the same time unable to conjecture what he was going to do. But my unpleasant feelings toward him were suddenly stopped and changed to the warmest and most solemn affection, by a very unexpected and solemn scene. We were then fronting to the grave of the killed from our regiment on the 31st of May, 74 all buried together. The Col commanded, “Present arms”. Then taking off his hat he said, “Fellow Soldiers! There is no more fitting place to render thanks to almighty God we have been spared to avenge their death’s, than by the graves of those who fell by our sides fighting so gallantly for their country’s rights. Let each one silently within his own heart return thanks to God that we have been permitted to live, to again see the last solemn resting place of our companions and friends.” A solemn pause ensued. The Col like the remainder of the regiment was not a religious man; but it made the scene more affecting. “Shoulder Arms” and “Left Face” was commanded and we proceeded toward Richmond. Went into camp two miles
from the city.”
Finally, Sgt. Fraley demonstrates the deep impression that his unit’s losses at Seven Pines (and his modus operandi of bemoaning daily solider life) had left on him, even after the intense fighting they endured in the Seven Days Battles around Richmond a few weeks later. Sgt Fraley wrote nearly three weeks later:
July 23, 1862 Do. Do. (Sic – his abbreviation for duty)
But when I say “regular duties” I don’t mean the same duties that once we pursued. Alas! Poor 4th N.Carolina! drilling! -- but what is drilling now! Without a commander; without confident subordinate officers, our movements are supremely ridiculous (sic by original author). Privates turns with a sneer at the unpardonable ignorance of their commanders, while they (some of the officers) become capteious and weakly tyrannical; miguidely thinking thus to assume the commander; and thus atone for what is not comprehended within the narrow limits of his own military genius. But blame not the 4th N.C. Once the pride of the state. Once the praise of all. ‘Tis a sad story that tells what reduced it to this. It is written in blood, and may be read on the battlefield of Seven Pines, and those of the 26th and 27th June -- a story that has made bleed harder hearts than mine. Then; --be kind to the sad relic of the 4th N.C.
Foot Note: Lt. Ashbel S. Fraley was severely wounded in the 1864 Shenandoah Valley campaign. After remaining four days at Winchester he started in an ambulance for Staunton, VA with the intention of going to Richmond or home to North Carolina. His conditioned became worse on the way and when he arrived in Staunton, he was unable to proceed further. He entered the hospital and continued gradually sinking until the morning of October 14, 1862 when he expired. His remains now rest in Unity Church - Yard, Rowan County, North Carolina. When I informed of his death, Brian Grimes replied, “Then Company A has lost it best man.”4
END NOTE:
The author traveled to the small village of Seven Pines, Virginia, on May 31, 2002 the 140th anniversary of the Battle of Seven Pines. While standing on route 60 facing the small state marker pointing out McClellan’s early skirmish line, it was possible to speculate regarding the location of the mass grave ostensibly containing fallen members of the 4th N.C. from their charge on the federal redoubt there. At the time of the 140th anniversary, no evidence was found of any steps previously taken to recover and re-inter these bodies. Modern day route 60 was the old Williamsburg road at the time of the battle, and the position of the Federal redoubt was not far from the intersection of Nine Mile Road and the Williamsburg Road.
Perhaps further research and discussion with local residents will yield more information in the future as to the location of this trench for the purpose of making proper identification and possibly re-interment.
REFERENCES:
1. Fraley, Ashbel S. Incidents of the War. A.S. Fraley Diary. Transcription of Fraley Collection held at Rowan County Library, Salisbury, N.C. Fraley was a resident of Rowan County, and served as Orderly Sergeant and later Lieutenant in the 4th N.C. Infantry.
2. Gibson, Joseph F. Private, Company F, 4th N.C. Infantry. Original Letter to his parents. 23 May 1862.
Transcribed by Mrs. Addie Cloninger. Catawba County (N.C.) Historical Association.
3. Newton, S. H. (1993). The Battle of Seven Pines: May 31-June 1, 1862. Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard.
4. Allen, T.H. (1999). Lee’s Last Major General: Bryan Grimes of North Carolina. Mason City, IA: Savas Publishing Company.
5. Cowper, Pulaski (Ed). (1986) and Gallagher, Gary, (Ed.). Extracts of Letters of Major-General Bryan Grimes, To His Wife: Written while in Service in the Army of Northern Virginia. Together with some Personal Recollections of the War written by him after it’s close etc. Wilmington, N.C. Broadfoot Publishing Co.
6. Osborne, E.A., Major, 4th N.C. Infantry. 4th North Carolina Regimental History. In Walter Clarke (1901) Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-1865. Volume I. Goldsboro and Raleigh, N.C. pp. 238-239.
7. Hoover, S.A. (1861-1865). Reminiscences 1861-1865. Original memoir held in Southern Historical Society Collection, Chapel Hill, N.C. Hoover served in Company C, 4th N.C. Infantry.
8. Ross, B.B. Cpl, Co I, 4th N.C. Experiences of B.B. Ross during the war of 1861-1865. Southern Historical Society Collection. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.
9. Carolina Watchman (Rowan County Newspaper), 2 June 1862. Rowan County Public Library. Salisbury, N.C. It also contains the following information:“List of killed and wounded, Captain Mc Neeley’s company, 4th N.C. at Richmond. Wounded. Lt Culinar, slightly in the head, and many, many more. Ten killed, including Pvt Bowers, 31 wounded including Paul Heiling and James W. Neely. Captain Craig’s company: three killed, seven wounded, two missing. Captain Wood’s company: nine killed, 13 wounded. Captain Kelly’s company: three killed, seven wounded. List of killed and wounded of Company K, 4th N.C. Regiment. Regimental officers: 12, privates 65 killed, 37 officers and 245 privates wounded.”
10. Funkhouser, R.D. (1876,). From Manassas to Frazier’s Farm. Southern Historical Society, pp. 368-369. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.
11. Official Records of the War of the Rebellion, Series I, Volume XI, pp. 955-956.
12. Carter, James H. Letter. 4 June 1862. David Carter Collection. Southern Historical Society. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.
13. Stikeleather, John. E. (1870). Recollections of the War Between The States. Southern Historical Society Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill NC, pp. 7-8.
14. Gorman, William R. 4th North Carolina Band. Our Living and Our Dead, Vol. 2. Southern Historical Society Collection, Chapel Hill, N.C. pp.21-22.
15. Grimes’ Family Papers. Letter from Bryan Grimes. 1 June 1862. Southern Historical Society. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.
16. Mast, Greg. (1995). State Troops and Volunteers: A Photographic Record of North Carolina’s Civil War Soliders. University of N.C. Press. Chapel Hill, N.C. pp 289.
APPENDIX A:
4th Regiment North Carina State Troops
1861 Company Organization
Company A: Iredell County – Iredell Blues
Chartered in 1842 by the North Carolina Assembly, this militia unit was designated as the 52nd Regiment, N.C. Militia on April 18, 1861. The unit enlisted for the duration of the war May 29, 1861. During June 1861, the unit was re-assigned to the 14th N.C. Volunteers. The “Iredell Blues” were so nicknamed because of the bluish tint in their uniforms. A noted opponent of secession, A.K. Simonton, was elected Captain. He would be killed at the battle of Seven Pines in 1862.
Company B: Rowan County – Scotch Irish Grays
Known as the Scotch-Irish Grays, this pre-war militia unit was the second Rowan County unit to volunteer for state service in 1861. They wore U.S. pattern blue frock coats and were armed with Mississippi rifles. Formed in 1858, the Scotch-Iris Grays mustered into state service June 3, 1861 while encamped at Rowan Mills near Salisbury. The men elected James Wood as Captain, and a few days later were ordered to Camp Hill near Garysburg, N.C.
Company C: Iredell County – Saltillo Boys
Captain John Barr Andrews, who in 1858 co-founded the Statesville Military Academy, also formed the “Saltillo Boys.” Mustered into state service on June 7, 1861 for the duration of the war, the unit included a large number of recruits came from the Statesville Military Academy. A company flag still exists now held in a private collection in Catawba County, N.C.
Company D: Wayne County – Goldsboro Volunteers
The “Goldsboro Volunteers” were formed April 15, 1861 under Captain Junnius P. Whittaker. Initially mustered in for 12 months service as part of the 14th N.C. Volunteers, this unit was transferred to the 45th Regiment, N.C. state troops on June 28, 1861 for the duration of the war.
Company E: Beaufort County – Southern Guards
The “Southern Guards” were formed June 3, 1861 and mustered confederate service for the duration of the ward, Captain David Carter commanding.
Company F: Wilson County – Wilson Light Infantry
Mustered into state service April 18, 1861 for 12 months duty, the “Wilson Light Infantry” later mustered into confederate service for the duration of the war on June 28, 1861. This unit was commanded by Captain Jesse Barnes.
Company G: Davie County – Davie Sweepstakes
The “Davie Sweepstakes” mustered into confederate service June 4, 1861 for the duration of the war. William F. Kelly was elected captain, and would be killed at Sharpsburg September 17, 1862 along with his brother.
Company H: Iredell County – Iredell Independent Grays
The “Iredell Independent Grays” were composed largely of cadets from the Statesville Military Academy. Formed in 1858, this unit mustered into confederate service June 13, 1861 for the duration of the war. Captain E.A. Osborne, a former cadet under Captain John B. Andrews, was elected company commander. The academy was also known as the Statesville Military Institute and initially used space at the Buena Vista Male Academy. Captain Osborne would later become Colonel of the 4th Regiment N.C. State Troops. His second Lieutenant, Franklin Weaver, was also a cadet and would be the last officer to fall mortally wounded carrying the colors at the Bloody Lane in Sharpsburg.
Company I: Beaufort County – Pamlico Rifles
The “Pamlico Rifles” were mustered into state service June 25, 1861 for the duration of the war under Captain William T. Marsh, who would be mortally wounded at Sharpsburg.
Company K: Rowan County – Rowan Rifle Guards
Formed in 1858, this wasthefirst unit from Rowan County to volunteer for state service in 1861, and were known for their strong military bearing. Armed initially with smoothbore percussion weapons issued from the Fayetteville Arsenal, and a few stands of the much coveted .58 Mississippi rifles the unit was organized by Dr. Josephus Hall, a local surgeon who was voted First Captain of the new militia unit when the war broke out. Frances McNeely was later elected Captain, so Dr. Hall could serve as a doctor. The Rowan Rifles assisted in capture of the U.S. Army garrison at Ft Caswell on the N.C. coast “without a shot being fired” by a local militia unit known as the Cape Fear Minute Men on January 10, 1861.
4th North Carolina Infantry at the Battle of Seven Pines:
“A Victory, but Dearly Bought”
By: Philip B. Hatfield, Ph.D.
Member, Company of Military Historians
In late May 1862, the Army of the Potomac was literally fighting it’s way up the Virginia Peninsula toward Richmond. Intense battles at Yorktown and Williamsburg failed to stop the Army of the Potomac, commanded by Major General George B. McClellan. The confederates under General Joseph Johnston were falling back toward Richmond. As the two armies converged on Richmond, Tar Heels under General Daniel Harvey Hill were preparing for what would be their first full engagement, and suffering intense discipline as well as harsh environmental conditions. As Sgt Ashbel Fraley1 of company F, 4th North Carolina Infantry and his comrades marched toward Richmond following battles at Williamsburg and Yorktown, he daily made time to express his blithe yet humorous views on superior officer, campaign and army life in general in his diary. Beginning on May 5 1862, he wrote in his diary:
May 5 Attempt to leave camp and continue our march. Raining. The road is blocked with the trains of wagons OBS. A marching army is a mass of the grandest confusion I ever saw.
Battle of Williamsburg, 4th N.C. - After marching four miles through mud and rain were ordered back to the fight, were not actively engaged.
May 22 Brigade Drill. Regular humbug! Intolerable nuisance. It’s general uses.
(1) To keep the men from enjoying a little rest, which they so much need.
(2) To take out the sick men that the surgeon alway refuses to excuse from duty (tho’ they are scarcely able to walk) that our Cols & Gen’s may have the gratification of seeing them faint and fall in the boiling sun.
(3) To make the men careless in drill that the officers may have the pleasure of speaking to them as to Negroes.
(4) To exasperate the men beyond the endurance of patience, and they may curse and swear so the Devil will reap the greater harvest in eternity.
(5) That the Gen and his aides may show their uniform suits; and (tho’ they know it not) their ignorance,
“O wadsome powder the gift to gi’ us,
Tocorusel’ or sell as others see us;
It would from many a blunder free us,
And foolish notion.”
Another 4th N.C. soldier, Private Joseph F. Gibson, wrote to his parents on May 23rd after having been seriously ill, also complaining of the trials of the march to Richmond. The letter elsewhere indicates that their knapsacks had been stored on wagons originally:
“…This is marching back and forwards I can’t tell how long this will last I hope it may not last long I hope…This marching through the mud this is no fun in it certain and sure. We haven’t any tents now our blankets is all the shelter now…the roads was so muddy that they had to throw the knapsacks out…”
On May 29th Sgt. Fraley indicates he would not have missed his knapsack:
“…By some fool command we carry our knapsacks with us -- it is seldome that a sensible order comes round. Yet one did last night, - - That was to leave our knapsacks in Camp and go unencumbered. But the discovery was made (unfortunately) that it was sensible, and revoked this morning.”
On Friday night, May 30, a violent thunderstorm suddenly hit the area turning the river and into wildly rushing water and roads into a muddy mess. McClellan’s army separated as a result, although two Federal Corps, that of Major General Samuel P. Heintzelman’s III Corps and Major General Erasmus Darwin Keyes’ IV Corps managed to cross the river and establish a line of earthworks and abatis near the village of Seven Pines. The federal works extended northeast toward Fair Oaks about one mile north of Seven Pines on the Richmond and York River Railroad.3 The stage was now set for the much awaited fight for Richmond. Johnston’s four Confederate infantry columns encountered Union pickets along the Williamsburg Road early on May 31st, near the crossing of 9 Mile and Richmond Roads at a small village known as Seven Pines. The complex and risky battle orders were given verbally, and as a result quickly disintegrated according to Newton (1993). During the morning of May 31st General James Longstreet, instead of using the Nine Mile Road as ordered, moved his division down the Williamsburg road, which had been assigned to support D. H. Hill’s and General Benjamin Huger’s divisions. The 4th North Carolina Infantry were assigned to the brigade commanded by Brigadier General Albert Featherston, who had been stricken with an illness a few days before, and subsequently Colonel George B. Anderson was placed in command of the brigade under D. H. Hill. Union picket lines extended approximately three-quarters of a mile along the Williamsburg road toward Richmond from Seven Pines. General Joe Johnston wanted attack the Federals while they were separated, and hence limited to Corps strength. He placed D.H. Hill’s division at the spearhead of the attack in line of battle along the Williamsburg road. However, D.H. Hill’s division stood on arms from approximately 8 a.m. until almost 1 p.m. without firing a shot, listening while the battle began to pitch.
The delay was related to a dispute occurring between James Longstreet and General Huger over who had seniority.4 Concerned that further delays would impair the Confederate attack, Hill decided to attack just after 1 p.m., and the confederates quickly drove in federal skirmish lines along the Williamsburg Road. D.H. Hill’s division was first in the line of battle. He struck Keyes’ positions, unsupported by Longstreet who would not arrive until later. Sgt Ashbel Fraley described his experience in the May 31, 1862 in a rather fragmented entry in his diary, speaking of frantic conditions on the field when the battle opened, and the results:
“Aroused before daylight and all are prepared to march. Move back and to the left one or two miles. Stack arms in the woods. But soon receive orders to prepare to go into battle. Made password “our homes” response “our firesides” Leave our knapsacks in the woods March toward the picket lines Firing commences See the Stars and Stripes. Run through the advance attacking battalion. Charge the enemy’s battery. Terrific struggle. And hit with a ball but not much hurt Keep with the Company. Dreadful slaughter. Reg falls back. Rally again. Advance with 5th Ala. Battery taken. Continue to advance. Yankee’s shoot close. Captain Simonton killed. Fall back. Night closes on. Only 54 men present with coulors. Night comes in. Go to carry up the wounded. Are engaged till near midnight. Try to find my way back to camp but fail. Made a fire and sleep by the roadside. A victory, but dearly bought.”
Map of D.H. Hill’s Division’s 1 pm assault
Major Brian Grimes was in command of the 4th N.C. at Seven Pines.5 The regiment was on the brigade’s right front and had moved far in front of the other regiments in Colonel Anderson’s Brigade (49th VA, 28th GA, 27th GA) in the initial assault. Navigating the terrain was difficult, if not impossible; the fields around Seven Pines village were now mud bogs and covered with thick growths of trees. Recent rains had left large puddles, in some places with waist-deep water.6
In spite of the delays and confusion over orders, the 4th N.C. regiment ‘saw the elephant’ in its first full advance as a “splendid picture of manhood” according to Captain E.A. Osborne.6 However, shortly afterward moving forward, the 4th N.C. began to suffer casualties from enfilading Federal artillery from a battery concealed behind strong works just to the left of the Williamsburg road. Not far in front of this strong redoubt was a tangled line of abatis where Casey’s Federal Division was dug in. Major Grimes noted the terrain made it difficult to manage the alignment of the regiment.5 Soldiers in the 4th
N.C. could hear the battle pitching to their right, and Captain Osbourn described “heavy musketry on the right indicated that the battle was raging there with terrible fury.”6 When the 4th N.C. advanced ahead of the supporting brigade on the right, Federal artillery and musket fire began to exact heavy casualty tolls on the regiment. While waiting for supporting brigades to move up, Grimes managed to briefly move the regiment inside a small body of woods giving the 4th N.C. time to realign. However, the heavy Federal artillery redoubt with supporting infantry regiments assisted them approximately one-half mile on their right front. This earth work was the center of the Federal line, and flanked on both wings by infantry concealed in extensive earthworks and protected by abatis in front.
Footnote: Abatis were felled trees with branches shaved one to three feet or more and sharpened, then one end was stuck in the ground, with the other end protruding outward. The purpose was to delay advancing infantry as much as possible.
Private S.A. Hoover,7 of Company C, recalled the scene in his post-war recollections:
“…The next day was the battle of Seven Pines - there we met the Yankee’s behind their breastworks - we had to charge their batteries through a piece of cut down forest, which was cut and thrown in every direction. The limbs cut off from two to four feet from body of trees in order to keep us from advancing rapidly, so they would have a better chance to cut us down, but we got through that thicket and got their battery but lost lots of good men…lay on battlefield all that night. My brother John was mortally wounded the same day and died the next day. He and I were taken to the field hospital the next morning and then to the railroad station where they loaded us on the cars and took us up to Richmond hospital…My clothing was so thoroughly saturated with blood they asked me if I was a Yankee or a Southerner. I was taken to hospital at Richmond, lay there two months.”
As Major Grimes advanced the 4th N.C. toward the Federal position at the right oblique under intense fire, they quickly stepped from the woods. Corporal B.B. Ross,8 Company I, 4th N.C. wrote about his experience during this part of the advance:
“When we were marching to Seven Pines we passed through a huckleberry pond. The woods was thick, and water was half a leg deep. While in the midst of this pond a shell exploded over us and cut the calf of one leg off, and tore the other ankle into pieces of Raleigh Rowe in our company. The piece went through the hat of Tom Crawford and tore the skin on top of his head. Another piece knocked the bugle off Lient. Creekmur’s hat. The Captain told me to pull Raleigh Rowe out of the water, and make him as comfortable as possible. By the time I had ministered to Rowe, the Company had left me and I had to go through the pond alone. In going through, the cannon balls were striking in water all around me, spattering mud in my face. I rushed forward, trying to catch up with the Company, but did not catch them until they had got in front of the breastworks.”
Foot note: Lt. Creekmur is a misspelling – Corporal Ross is likely referring to 1st Lt. Willam Coughenour.
Lt W.C. Coughenour, Company K (Rowan Rifles) mentioned by Corporal Ross, would soon be sent home for convalesce following his wounds received at Seven Pines. The Carolina Watchman9 back home in Rowan County North Carolina reported on September 8, 1862 the following humorous account of an accident he apparently suffered while on medical leave following Seven Pines, suggesting things at home could be equally dangerous as things on the front:
“Captain Coughenhour recovered after a fall from a second story window at Morganton.”
Foot Note: Nothing was cited as to why Lt. Coughenhour was perched in that window.
Corporal Ross’s participation in the action was not over yet. He further wrote:
“…In Seven Pines battle I was within twenty yards of the breastworks when I was struck in my left breast. I had on my overcoat with twentyrounds of cartridges in my left breast-pocket. The ball went through all of these, into my uniform coat - pocket, and made holes through about 20 letters in my coat, several holes in my handkerchief in that pocket and lodged in there. When I regained consciousness, I felt that death would claim me in a few minutes, for I was sure the ball had gone through me. Our company was ordered to fall back, but I remained where I was to die. But after seeing the havock played in our regiment when they did fall back - as many killed as when going forward, for the Yankees kept “pouring it into them,” and out of fifty-two men and officers and Company I, 30 were killed or wounded - I concluded to move if possible. I slipped over the fence out of the field, and got behind a stump. There was wounded Yankee behind the stump, so I got at his feet. While I was lying there, a cannon ball struck the stump in front of us, split it open, blew it up, and stuck the top end in the ground, one piece about six inches from me on one side, and about one foot off on the other side. The Yankee whose ankle was broken, crawled to another stump, but I, seeing the uselessness of the stump, remained where I was. While lying there, I summed up courage to examine my wound, and found that the ball, which I thought had gone through my side, had lodged in my pocket. My side was badly bruised but I felt relief to find the bullet, and although I was suffering dreadfully, I went into camp.”
During the initial advance of the 4th N.C., the original color bearer, 1st Cpl James Bowers of Company K (Rowan Rifles) was killed while holding the flag in his hand.9 As he lay dying, he told a comrade to be sure and “…Tell Mr. Brunner that I died with my face to the enemy.” Ironically, Bowers enlisted on May 30, 1861 and was killed a year and one day later on May 31, 1862 at Seven Pines.10 The Carolina Watchmen reported the following regarding James Bower’s death:
“James Bowers (CO K) printer’s devil for the Watchman, killed at battle of Richmond. He had responded to the call of Gov Ellis and went with the Rowan Rifles guard to Wilmington on April 21, 1861, when the CO was invited to vol for three years or the war, he was the first to step forth. He performed his duty faithfully with us and regularly wrote us letters from the front.”
Foot Note: Printers Devil was a nickname for apprentice. Bowers had worked for a Mr. Brunner at the print shop.
With Bower’s death, another color bearer quickly picked up the flag. No available sources consistently identify of this color bearer, although he too quickly fell only to be followed by yet another new color bearer who also soon fell in only minutes.6
Once the regiment advanced out into the open field, Major Grimes discovered yet another artillery section had opened on his left wing and they subsequently continued to suffer heavy casualties due to being entangled by abatis, unable to consistently return fire. Major Grimes described the battle field as a “muddy plowed field miring the men ankle deep at nearly every step…”4 Finally, the Georgians and Virginia regiments had managed to catch up, and Grimes ordered the Tar Heels forward. At this point, the 4th N.C. had its first experience of returning mass (volley) fire to the Federals. Captain E.A. Osbourn wrote:
“…Opened fire upon the enemy with such deadly effect as the cause a momentary lull in the storm of deadly missiles that were assailing us…but again the enemy renewed his fire with redoubled fury.” 6
Onward the 4th N.C. advanced until they encountered a small rail fence where they briefly halted to await support on the right.5 Unfortunately, support never came up, and their position was continually exposed. Captain Osbourn noted, “It was evident that the regiment could not remain there without being utterly destroyed.” He saw Major Grimes “sitting calmly on his iron-gray horse, with one leg thrown over the saddle bow, as afterwards so often seen on the battlefield.” He later described Lt Col Grimes as appearing as “an angel of war” sitting on his horse.6 Finally, Osbourn approached Grimes and insisted that he order a charge; he shouted over the din of battle “Major, we cant stand this. Let us charge the works!” Grimes responded, “Charge them! Charge them!”
Newton (1993) has recently opined that when E.A. Osborn spied Lt Col Grimes sitting on his horse, and described him as appearing to be “an angel of war” the reality may have been that possibly, Grimes was simply wondering just what to do next. He would later gain quite a reputation as a fighter and battlefield tactician, rising to become the last Major General appointed in the Army of Northern Virginia in 1865.4 But Seven Pines was his first real attack, and Grimes, a lawyer rather a soldier by training, was hardly a seasoned officer. Sitting calmly on his horse may well have been as much as he could think of to do.
The North Carolinians advanced to within roughly 100 yards of the Federal redoubt when Major Grime’s horse was shot out from under him, sending him tumbling to the ground. For a while, he was literally buried under the horse, whose head was torn off by a Federal artillery projectile.5 Grimes described to his wife later that “The regiment seeing me fall, supposed killed for wounded, and began to falter and waiver…I …waived my sword and shouted “Forward! Forward!” and the regiment moved forward.”
Major Grimes further stated, “Some of the men came to my assistance and pulled the horse off”(p. 14). Not far away, Second Lieutenant R.D. Funkhouser of the Virginia regiment was watching Grimes, who after having his horse removed from him, quickly jumped up and grabbed the regimental flag and began waving it to motivate the men.
Fearing that Grimes would be targeted while waving the flag, the lieutenant yelled “Let me carry the flag!” only to hear Grimes retort “Lieutenant, your life is worth as much as mine”10
Somewhat disoriented now, Grimes continued to observe the assault from behind the regiment, which had now gotten between 30 or 40 yards of the redoubt. Federal fire intensified until the regiment was unable to advance further. The regiment remained unsupported on both flanks when Grimes realized “We were two hundred yards in advance of any other regiment.”11
Major Grimes further reported in the official records that after fighting in the exposed position for several minutes, he decided to order the men to fall back toward “a ditch midway between the redoubt and entangled woods.” However, as the regiment began to retire in reasonably good order, the color bearer apparently became confused by Grimes orders and fell back all the way to the previous line of abatis. As men in the ditch (which afforded some cover) began to follow the flag to the rear, Grimes ordered the regiment to halt now approximately 250 yards from the Federal line.4 Grimes described the casualties:
"As in evidence of the severity of thefire of the enemy while in front of the battery 46 of my men were found killed within an area of one acre.”11 Although the Confederates did not yet realize it, many of the inexperienced Federal regiments from New York and Pennsylvania as well as the artillerists were already beginning to withdraw from the redoubt.3 The North Carolinians were generally psychologically shaken and nearly physically exhausted by this point. However, while taking cover in the ditch, 4th N.C. soldiers witnessed a Confederate battery open fire into the Federal lines which bolstered their courage, and Grimes debated what to do next.
Captain E.A. Osborn described scene when Major Grimes suddenly ordered the 4th N.C. to charge into the federal redoubt from the ditch:
“On we rushed with such impetuosity and determination that the enemy abandoned everything and retired.”6
Grimes described yet another dramatic event occurring in the charge:
“After allowing my men time to recover from their fatigue,…just then I saw my third color-bearer shot down. Captain Simonton (sic A.K. Simonton of Company A) and myself to raise the colors. Captain Simonton reaching them first, placed them in my hands, raising them aloft, calling upon my men to rally around their standard. It was done with alacrity, and together with several other regiments, we reached the redoubt, the enemy fleeing.”11
During this final assault on the enemy redoubt, Captain A.K. Simonton, who had held the 4th N.C. colors in the ditch, was killed instantly, and Captain James H. Wood of Company B was seriously wounded among many others. Major Grimes also described the earlier counter attack as “a fearful storm of shot, shell, grape and canister…(which) tore through the trees, plowing up the ground of every side and cutting down the branches and saplings around us.”11
Private James H. Carter,12 Company C, wrote to his father regarding the fate of the 4th N.C. flag in the battle: Preceeding camp 4 N.C.S Troops near Richmond,VA
My Dear Father,
Under very unfavorable surcustances I am trying to drop you a few lines. We the 4 N.C. attacted the Yankeys the last day of May and had a very hard faught battle. Our flag was shot down four time but was picked up and carried in the Yankey batery waving though the staf was broken by a bum shel and the flag shot to pieces.
During this second assault on the Federal redoubt, Captain Osborn observed the ground was “literally covered” with the dead and wounded of the 4th N.C. Following the battle, Major Grimes John Stikeleather,13 Company C, requested to become the new color bearer of the 4th Regiment. John Stikeleather would carry the 4th N.C. colors for the duration of the war without being seriously wounded, although he was struck in the right shoulder with a spent Minnie ball at Chancellorsville a year later. He attributed his safe return to his conversion to Christianity during the war. He surrendered at Appomattox in April, 1865 and took the oath of allegiance. Stikeleather wrote a through post war account of his experiences, including his experience at Seven Pines:
“My own experience in that terrible fight, briefly stated, may not be out of place at this time. As we approached the field of carnage, and the bullets began to whistle around us, and the cannon balls commenced plowing through our ranks, and an occasional wounded soldier passed us going to the rear, our feelings can be better imagined than described. I confess I did not feel sure whether I could stand the test or not, but, just at this juncture, and incident occurred that helped me along wonderfully, and I have often felt thankful since that it did occur just when it did. The incident was this; among the wounded wending this way to the rear was a Georgia boy probably not more than 16 years old, slightly wounded in the arm, boo-hooing right out. Someone near me called to him and asked how the fight was going. His reply between his cries and sobs was “They are whipping us like hell.” Evidently, he was badly whipped. There was something so ludicrous in his manner that I immediately responded thus, that may do for woman or a child, but not for a man, whereupon I gave my courage another twist, and kept moving to the front. I received no hurt in the battle, but had my cap box shot off, and passing a wounded Yankee soldier just after I discovered its loss asked him to give me his. The poor fellow said “Take it, I am too badly wounded to give it to you.” No one but those who have been there knows the gratitude that wells up in the heart of a soldier at this escape unhurt form battle…”
Ironically, except for Stikeleather, the 4th N.C. color guard would once again be all killed or wounded at Chancellorsville. Another 4th N.C. member, William R. Gorman,14 served as a stretcher bearer since he was a member of the 4th North Carolina Brass Band.
He left a chilling account of the battlefield after the firing had ceased, written a few weeks later in his diary:
June 28, 1862 About four o’clock on Saturday we found the hospital of D.H. Hills division. Though I had my feelings wrought up to a high pitch, looking on the mutilated dead, on those bloody fields; yet that feeling was nothing compared to what I saw and heard, when I saw the wounded, and heard the dying groans of those devoted braves. I shudder while I write about it. I am going to tell you a tale of horror which was true, and may God forbid that I ever have to witness the like again! …The dead, none being there to bury them, lay among the suffering and dying, form which arose the most sickening stench. Their lifeless bodies were almost in motion with the myriad maggots that infested them. Oh! It was horrible! Too awful to think about. Nor is this all. I myself did a task there that makes my flesh crawl to think of. A man from Company C, 4th Regiment, told me something hurt him under his arm. He was shot through the right breast, breaking his collor bone. When I looked, horror of horrors! One thousand maggots were working there. I borrowed a pair of scissors and went to work, and it took me half an hour to remove them. Such a grateful look did he give me that I could have done anything. Those three days were days of horror -- a “reign of terror” indeed. Our regiment only lost about 60 killed and wounded. One of the killed in that Company, a fine young man, Paul Barger, gave me his pocketbook before we started, stating that possibly he might be killed and he did not want a to have his money. That was the last I ever saw of him.
After the battle, Col George B. Anderson pulled his brigade back from the Federal redoubt and began to reorganize in a small clearing located near the Williamsburg road. The evening roll call reflected 54 men present, and the entire color guard had been killed or wounded, including the entire color guard.11 That night the men of the 4th N.C. slept on arms laying on the ground, “surrounded by dead and wounded , both men and animals” while the air was filled with cries and groans of the wounded and dying.5
The next day, June 1, 1862, fighting again commenced at nearby Fair Oaks Station, approximately one mile from Seven Pines. General Joe Johnston was severely wounded on the 31st and replaced by Robert E. Lee on June 1st. Major Grimes managed to get to a telegraph station that day and informed his brother William that he was unhurt on the 31st, and mentioned the 4th N.C. battle flag was “shot 32 times” at Seven Pines.15
The 4th N.C. were not actively engaged during the fighting at Fair Oaks on June 1, 1862. The battle of Seven Pines literally “shattered” the 4th N.C., who entered the battle with 25 officers and 520 non-commissioned officers and men, only to end with every officer except Grimes was killed or wounded, 462 killed and wounded, (77 were killed on the field) and 99 men mortally wounded, with the last casualty passing away before the end of July later that summer.4,11 This amounts to roughly 89 percent of those engaged with six officially listed as missing.16 The 4th N.C. is believed by some researchers to have suffered the highest percentage loss in a single battle of any regiment in the war on either side.4 Whether the statistics are complete or not, these staggering losses at Seven Pines earned the regiment the grim sobriquet “Bloody 4th.” 6 Truly “A Victory, but Dearly bought.”1
EPILOGUE
After the battle, 46 dead solders from the 4th N.C. Regiment were removed from a one-acre trench in front of the Federal artillery redoubt as reported by Lt Col Grimes in the official records, to an unknown site along the Williamsburg Road. Perhaps the most stirring and fitting conclusion to the story of the 4th North Carolina at the Battle of Seven Pines is provided by Sgt Ashbel Fraley, who would later be promoted to Second Lieutenant. On July 2, 1862 he made the following entry in his diary:
“After finishing our labours, we proceed toward Richmond and pass the battlefield of Seven Pines. We were marching right in front. When opposite the graves of those of our regiment who fell there the Col gave the command, “On the right by file into line -- march!” I was inwardly cursing him for his awkwardness in placing the markers, when the evolution was completed, as the same time unable to conjecture what he was going to do. But my unpleasant feelings toward him were suddenly stopped and changed to the warmest and most solemn affection, by a very unexpected and solemn scene. We were then fronting to the grave of the killed from our regiment on the 31st of May, 74 all buried together. The Col commanded, “Present arms”. Then taking off his hat he said, “Fellow Soldiers! There is no more fitting place to render thanks to almighty God we have been spared to avenge their death’s, than by the graves of those who fell by our sides fighting so gallantly for their country’s rights. Let each one silently within his own heart return thanks to God that we have been permitted to live, to again see the last solemn resting place of our companions and friends.” A solemn pause ensued. The Col like the remainder of the regiment was not a religious man; but it made the scene more affecting. “Shoulder Arms” and “Left Face” was commanded and we proceeded toward Richmond. Went into camp two miles
from the city.”
Finally, Sgt. Fraley demonstrates the deep impression that his unit’s losses at Seven Pines (and his modus operandi of bemoaning daily solider life) had left on him, even after the intense fighting they endured in the Seven Days Battles around Richmond a few weeks later. Sgt Fraley wrote nearly three weeks later:
July 23, 1862 Do. Do. (Sic – his abbreviation for duty)
But when I say “regular duties” I don’t mean the same duties that once we pursued. Alas! Poor 4th N.Carolina! drilling! -- but what is drilling now! Without a commander; without confident subordinate officers, our movements are supremely ridiculous (sic by original author). Privates turns with a sneer at the unpardonable ignorance of their commanders, while they (some of the officers) become capteious and weakly tyrannical; miguidely thinking thus to assume the commander; and thus atone for what is not comprehended within the narrow limits of his own military genius. But blame not the 4th N.C. Once the pride of the state. Once the praise of all. ‘Tis a sad story that tells what reduced it to this. It is written in blood, and may be read on the battlefield of Seven Pines, and those of the 26th and 27th June -- a story that has made bleed harder hearts than mine. Then; --be kind to the sad relic of the 4th N.C.
Foot Note: Lt. Ashbel S. Fraley was severely wounded in the 1864 Shenandoah Valley campaign. After remaining four days at Winchester he started in an ambulance for Staunton, VA with the intention of going to Richmond or home to North Carolina. His conditioned became worse on the way and when he arrived in Staunton, he was unable to proceed further. He entered the hospital and continued gradually sinking until the morning of October 14, 1862 when he expired. His remains now rest in Unity Church - Yard, Rowan County, North Carolina. When I informed of his death, Brian Grimes replied, “Then Company A has lost it best man.”4
END NOTE:
The author traveled to the small village of Seven Pines, Virginia, on May 31, 2002 the 140th anniversary of the Battle of Seven Pines. While standing on route 60 facing the small state marker pointing out McClellan’s early skirmish line, it was possible to speculate regarding the location of the mass grave ostensibly containing fallen members of the 4th N.C. from their charge on the federal redoubt there. At the time of the 140th anniversary, no evidence was found of any steps previously taken to recover and re-inter these bodies. Modern day route 60 was the old Williamsburg road at the time of the battle, and the position of the Federal redoubt was not far from the intersection of Nine Mile Road and the Williamsburg Road.
Perhaps further research and discussion with local residents will yield more information in the future as to the location of this trench for the purpose of making proper identification and possibly re-interment.
REFERENCES:
1. Fraley, Ashbel S. Incidents of the War. A.S. Fraley Diary. Transcription of Fraley Collection held at Rowan County Library, Salisbury, N.C. Fraley was a resident of Rowan County, and served as Orderly Sergeant and later Lieutenant in the 4th N.C. Infantry.
2. Gibson, Joseph F. Private, Company F, 4th N.C. Infantry. Original Letter to his parents. 23 May 1862.
Transcribed by Mrs. Addie Cloninger. Catawba County (N.C.) Historical Association.
3. Newton, S. H. (1993). The Battle of Seven Pines: May 31-June 1, 1862. Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard.
4. Allen, T.H. (1999). Lee’s Last Major General: Bryan Grimes of North Carolina. Mason City, IA: Savas Publishing Company.
5. Cowper, Pulaski (Ed). (1986) and Gallagher, Gary, (Ed.). Extracts of Letters of Major-General Bryan Grimes, To His Wife: Written while in Service in the Army of Northern Virginia. Together with some Personal Recollections of the War written by him after it’s close etc. Wilmington, N.C. Broadfoot Publishing Co.
6. Osborne, E.A., Major, 4th N.C. Infantry. 4th North Carolina Regimental History. In Walter Clarke (1901) Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-1865. Volume I. Goldsboro and Raleigh, N.C. pp. 238-239.
7. Hoover, S.A. (1861-1865). Reminiscences 1861-1865. Original memoir held in Southern Historical Society Collection, Chapel Hill, N.C. Hoover served in Company C, 4th N.C. Infantry.
8. Ross, B.B. Cpl, Co I, 4th N.C. Experiences of B.B. Ross during the war of 1861-1865. Southern Historical Society Collection. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.
9. Carolina Watchman (Rowan County Newspaper), 2 June 1862. Rowan County Public Library. Salisbury, N.C. It also contains the following information:“List of killed and wounded, Captain Mc Neeley’s company, 4th N.C. at Richmond. Wounded. Lt Culinar, slightly in the head, and many, many more. Ten killed, including Pvt Bowers, 31 wounded including Paul Heiling and James W. Neely. Captain Craig’s company: three killed, seven wounded, two missing. Captain Wood’s company: nine killed, 13 wounded. Captain Kelly’s company: three killed, seven wounded. List of killed and wounded of Company K, 4th N.C. Regiment. Regimental officers: 12, privates 65 killed, 37 officers and 245 privates wounded.”
10. Funkhouser, R.D. (1876,). From Manassas to Frazier’s Farm. Southern Historical Society, pp. 368-369. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.
11. Official Records of the War of the Rebellion, Series I, Volume XI, pp. 955-956.
12. Carter, James H. Letter. 4 June 1862. David Carter Collection. Southern Historical Society. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.
13. Stikeleather, John. E. (1870). Recollections of the War Between The States. Southern Historical Society Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill NC, pp. 7-8.
14. Gorman, William R. 4th North Carolina Band. Our Living and Our Dead, Vol. 2. Southern Historical Society Collection, Chapel Hill, N.C. pp.21-22.
15. Grimes’ Family Papers. Letter from Bryan Grimes. 1 June 1862. Southern Historical Society. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.
16. Mast, Greg. (1995). State Troops and Volunteers: A Photographic Record of North Carolina’s Civil War Soliders. University of N.C. Press. Chapel Hill, N.C. pp 289.
APPENDIX A:
4th Regiment North Carina State Troops
1861 Company Organization
Company A: Iredell County – Iredell Blues
Chartered in 1842 by the North Carolina Assembly, this militia unit was designated as the 52nd Regiment, N.C. Militia on April 18, 1861. The unit enlisted for the duration of the war May 29, 1861. During June 1861, the unit was re-assigned to the 14th N.C. Volunteers. The “Iredell Blues” were so nicknamed because of the bluish tint in their uniforms. A noted opponent of secession, A.K. Simonton, was elected Captain. He would be killed at the battle of Seven Pines in 1862.
Company B: Rowan County – Scotch Irish Grays
Known as the Scotch-Irish Grays, this pre-war militia unit was the second Rowan County unit to volunteer for state service in 1861. They wore U.S. pattern blue frock coats and were armed with Mississippi rifles. Formed in 1858, the Scotch-Iris Grays mustered into state service June 3, 1861 while encamped at Rowan Mills near Salisbury. The men elected James Wood as Captain, and a few days later were ordered to Camp Hill near Garysburg, N.C.
Company C: Iredell County – Saltillo Boys
Captain John Barr Andrews, who in 1858 co-founded the Statesville Military Academy, also formed the “Saltillo Boys.” Mustered into state service on June 7, 1861 for the duration of the war, the unit included a large number of recruits came from the Statesville Military Academy. A company flag still exists now held in a private collection in Catawba County, N.C.
Company D: Wayne County – Goldsboro Volunteers
The “Goldsboro Volunteers” were formed April 15, 1861 under Captain Junnius P. Whittaker. Initially mustered in for 12 months service as part of the 14th N.C. Volunteers, this unit was transferred to the 45th Regiment, N.C. state troops on June 28, 1861 for the duration of the war.
Company E: Beaufort County – Southern Guards
The “Southern Guards” were formed June 3, 1861 and mustered confederate service for the duration of the ward, Captain David Carter commanding.
Company F: Wilson County – Wilson Light Infantry
Mustered into state service April 18, 1861 for 12 months duty, the “Wilson Light Infantry” later mustered into confederate service for the duration of the war on June 28, 1861. This unit was commanded by Captain Jesse Barnes.
Company G: Davie County – Davie Sweepstakes
The “Davie Sweepstakes” mustered into confederate service June 4, 1861 for the duration of the war. William F. Kelly was elected captain, and would be killed at Sharpsburg September 17, 1862 along with his brother.
Company H: Iredell County – Iredell Independent Grays
The “Iredell Independent Grays” were composed largely of cadets from the Statesville Military Academy. Formed in 1858, this unit mustered into confederate service June 13, 1861 for the duration of the war. Captain E.A. Osborne, a former cadet under Captain John B. Andrews, was elected company commander. The academy was also known as the Statesville Military Institute and initially used space at the Buena Vista Male Academy. Captain Osborne would later become Colonel of the 4th Regiment N.C. State Troops. His second Lieutenant, Franklin Weaver, was also a cadet and would be the last officer to fall mortally wounded carrying the colors at the Bloody Lane in Sharpsburg.
Company I: Beaufort County – Pamlico Rifles
The “Pamlico Rifles” were mustered into state service June 25, 1861 for the duration of the war under Captain William T. Marsh, who would be mortally wounded at Sharpsburg.
Company K: Rowan County – Rowan Rifle Guards
Formed in 1858, this wasthefirst unit from Rowan County to volunteer for state service in 1861, and were known for their strong military bearing. Armed initially with smoothbore percussion weapons issued from the Fayetteville Arsenal, and a few stands of the much coveted .58 Mississippi rifles the unit was organized by Dr. Josephus Hall, a local surgeon who was voted First Captain of the new militia unit when the war broke out. Frances McNeely was later elected Captain, so Dr. Hall could serve as a doctor. The Rowan Rifles assisted in capture of the U.S. Army garrison at Ft Caswell on the N.C. coast “without a shot being fired” by a local militia unit known as the Cape Fear Minute Men on January 10, 1861.
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