Tweet
#PreserveHistory
From The New York Times
By ALAN BLINDER
March 13, 2016
MONTGOMERY, Ala. — After a white supremacist was accused of killing nine black churchgoers in South Carolina last summer, Gov. Robert Bentley of Alabama acted decisively: Within a week, and without public debate, he ordered the removal of four Confederate flags outside the State Capitol here.
But that was last year. Now, not even nine months after the massacre at Charleston’s Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church, the momentum to force Confederate symbols from official display has often been slowed or stopped. In some states this year, including Alabama, lawmakers have been considering new ways to protect demonstrations of Confederate pride.
“The pendulum has gone the other direction, where it’s no longer about trying to take away the emblems,” said Dane Waters, a political consultant who worked on a failed effort this year to remove the battle flag from Mississippi’s state flag. “It’s now about protecting them and insulating them from future efforts, even after another Charleston-type shooting.”
That attack produced widespread outrage about the battle flag’s prominence and helped lead to its lowering at South Carolina’s Statehouse. A handful of Mississippi cities refused to fly the state’s flag, the only one in the country with the disputed emblem, and the speaker of the State House of Representatives urged a redesign. Confederate symbols were removed from public view. Retailers like Walmart stopped selling battle flag merchandise.
This year, legislators in at least 12 states have considered measures about how the Confederacy should be recognized. In some of those states, lawmakers sought to curb reminders of Confederate history, but there have also been bills, like proposals that advanced in Alabama and Tennessee, to offer new safeguards for controversial monuments and memorials.
“When the governor did what he did, it just punctuated the fact that we can’t erase history, we can’t whitewash it or push it under the carpet like it never happened,” said State Senator Gerald Allen of Alabama, whose bill would prohibit many monuments from being “relocated, removed, altered, renamed or otherwise disturbed” without a legislative committee’s approval.
Mr. Allen, a Republican, said, “It’s important that we tell the story of what has happened in this country because that’s what shaped and molded us as a nation.”
Recognition of the Confederacy is widespread. The Southern Poverty Law Center will conclude in a forthcoming report that there are at least 1,170 publicly funded Confederate symbols across the country.
Although critics of Confederate symbols were encouraged by their victories last year, people on both sides of the debate said few other significant changes appeared imminent. They said that political pressure in favor of traditional Southern imagery had outlasted the shock associated with the Charleston killings, for which Dylann Roof will stand trial this summer.
“I don’t think it was a false momentum,” said State Representative Justin T. Bamberg of South Carolina, a Democrat. “You had an awakening of society in 2015, but an awakening in and of itself doesn’t mean action.”
The actions that did materialize, though, emboldened defenders of Confederate heritage displays.
“The rush to get rid of all Southern stuff in a day or a month or a week or whatever it was, it was sobering for a lot of people,” said Greg Stewart, the executive director of Beauvoir, Jefferson Davis’s last home, and a supporter of keeping the battle emblem on the Mississippi flag. “Our strength right now is the result of their overreach.”
Mr. Stewart said many Southerners were reluctant to allow state officials to decide how to commemorate the region’s history. “We knew in Mississippi that the trick always is to keep the decision in the hands of the public,” said Mr. Stewart, whose state voted overwhelmingly in 2001 to leave the battle emblem on the state flag.
This year, Mississippi lawmakers did not pass any of the dozen bills that could have led to a changed flag. The debate recently entered the courts when a Mississippi lawyer argued in a lawsuit against Gov. Phil Bryant that the flag “is tantamount to hateful government speech” and “encourages or incites private citizens to commit acts of racial violence.”
Mr. Bryant has called for another referendum on the flag. In an email, a spokesman described the lawsuit as a “frivolous attempt to use the federal court system to usurp the will of the people.”
Although courts have sometimes intervened in matters about the Confederate flag, clashes about Southern heritage are mostly expected to play out in the legislatures and in local government meetings. Much of the pressure is on governors and legislative leaders, who have sometimes balked at scheduling hearings or votes on bills relating to the Confederacy. Not all the results favor Confederate symbols.
On Thursday, Gov. Terry McAuliffe of Virginia vetoed a bill that would have made it illegal for local officials “to disturb or interfere” with military memorials. On the same day, Gov. Rick Scott of Florida approved a plan to begin the long process of replacing a statue of a Confederate general that the state had added to the United States Capitol’s art collection.
“It’s not hard to see where it’s going,” said Senator Rodger Smitherman, a Democrat. “Its primary purpose, in my opinion, was to keep intact many of the monuments that were assembled and are a reflection of oppression.”
Mr. Bentley, in an interview in the State Capitol room where Alabama voted to secede, did not say what he would do if the Legislature passed Mr. Allen’s proposal.
“I believe in heritage, I believe in history, and I believe we should always honor history, and we do that in Alabama,” said Mr. Bentley, who added quickly that “we should take into account the sensitivity of all of our citizens on all issues.”
Public sentiment is mixed, but support for Confederate symbols remains.
Days after opponents denounced Mr. Allen’s proposal in the Senate, a middle-aged man stopped at the Governor’s Mansion’s gift shop with a question: “Do y’all have any bronze medals with Jefferson Davis on them?”
The store, a worker reported, seemed to be out of stock.
Click Here to Read the Article at The New York Times
From The New York Times
By ALAN BLINDER
March 13, 2016
MONTGOMERY, Ala. — After a white supremacist was accused of killing nine black churchgoers in South Carolina last summer, Gov. Robert Bentley of Alabama acted decisively: Within a week, and without public debate, he ordered the removal of four Confederate flags outside the State Capitol here.
But that was last year. Now, not even nine months after the massacre at Charleston’s Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church, the momentum to force Confederate symbols from official display has often been slowed or stopped. In some states this year, including Alabama, lawmakers have been considering new ways to protect demonstrations of Confederate pride.
“The pendulum has gone the other direction, where it’s no longer about trying to take away the emblems,” said Dane Waters, a political consultant who worked on a failed effort this year to remove the battle flag from Mississippi’s state flag. “It’s now about protecting them and insulating them from future efforts, even after another Charleston-type shooting.”
That attack produced widespread outrage about the battle flag’s prominence and helped lead to its lowering at South Carolina’s Statehouse. A handful of Mississippi cities refused to fly the state’s flag, the only one in the country with the disputed emblem, and the speaker of the State House of Representatives urged a redesign. Confederate symbols were removed from public view. Retailers like Walmart stopped selling battle flag merchandise.
This year, legislators in at least 12 states have considered measures about how the Confederacy should be recognized. In some of those states, lawmakers sought to curb reminders of Confederate history, but there have also been bills, like proposals that advanced in Alabama and Tennessee, to offer new safeguards for controversial monuments and memorials.
“When the governor did what he did, it just punctuated the fact that we can’t erase history, we can’t whitewash it or push it under the carpet like it never happened,” said State Senator Gerald Allen of Alabama, whose bill would prohibit many monuments from being “relocated, removed, altered, renamed or otherwise disturbed” without a legislative committee’s approval.
Mr. Allen, a Republican, said, “It’s important that we tell the story of what has happened in this country because that’s what shaped and molded us as a nation.”
Recognition of the Confederacy is widespread. The Southern Poverty Law Center will conclude in a forthcoming report that there are at least 1,170 publicly funded Confederate symbols across the country.
Although critics of Confederate symbols were encouraged by their victories last year, people on both sides of the debate said few other significant changes appeared imminent. They said that political pressure in favor of traditional Southern imagery had outlasted the shock associated with the Charleston killings, for which Dylann Roof will stand trial this summer.
“I don’t think it was a false momentum,” said State Representative Justin T. Bamberg of South Carolina, a Democrat. “You had an awakening of society in 2015, but an awakening in and of itself doesn’t mean action.”
The actions that did materialize, though, emboldened defenders of Confederate heritage displays.
“The rush to get rid of all Southern stuff in a day or a month or a week or whatever it was, it was sobering for a lot of people,” said Greg Stewart, the executive director of Beauvoir, Jefferson Davis’s last home, and a supporter of keeping the battle emblem on the Mississippi flag. “Our strength right now is the result of their overreach.”
Mr. Stewart said many Southerners were reluctant to allow state officials to decide how to commemorate the region’s history. “We knew in Mississippi that the trick always is to keep the decision in the hands of the public,” said Mr. Stewart, whose state voted overwhelmingly in 2001 to leave the battle emblem on the state flag.
This year, Mississippi lawmakers did not pass any of the dozen bills that could have led to a changed flag. The debate recently entered the courts when a Mississippi lawyer argued in a lawsuit against Gov. Phil Bryant that the flag “is tantamount to hateful government speech” and “encourages or incites private citizens to commit acts of racial violence.”
Mr. Bryant has called for another referendum on the flag. In an email, a spokesman described the lawsuit as a “frivolous attempt to use the federal court system to usurp the will of the people.”
Although courts have sometimes intervened in matters about the Confederate flag, clashes about Southern heritage are mostly expected to play out in the legislatures and in local government meetings. Much of the pressure is on governors and legislative leaders, who have sometimes balked at scheduling hearings or votes on bills relating to the Confederacy. Not all the results favor Confederate symbols.
On Thursday, Gov. Terry McAuliffe of Virginia vetoed a bill that would have made it illegal for local officials “to disturb or interfere” with military memorials. On the same day, Gov. Rick Scott of Florida approved a plan to begin the long process of replacing a statue of a Confederate general that the state had added to the United States Capitol’s art collection.
“It’s not hard to see where it’s going,” said Senator Rodger Smitherman, a Democrat. “Its primary purpose, in my opinion, was to keep intact many of the monuments that were assembled and are a reflection of oppression.”
Mr. Bentley, in an interview in the State Capitol room where Alabama voted to secede, did not say what he would do if the Legislature passed Mr. Allen’s proposal.
“I believe in heritage, I believe in history, and I believe we should always honor history, and we do that in Alabama,” said Mr. Bentley, who added quickly that “we should take into account the sensitivity of all of our citizens on all issues.”
Public sentiment is mixed, but support for Confederate symbols remains.
Days after opponents denounced Mr. Allen’s proposal in the Senate, a middle-aged man stopped at the Governor’s Mansion’s gift shop with a question: “Do y’all have any bronze medals with Jefferson Davis on them?”
The store, a worker reported, seemed to be out of stock.
Click Here to Read the Article at The New York Times
Comment